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La peur peut-t-elle changer de camp ?<\/font> <\/b><\/font><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/div>\n
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COURSE DE VITESSE EN TUNISIE.<\/b><\/font><\/h4>\n<\/p>\n
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Par Kamel JENDOUB<\/font><\/font>I<\/font><\/font><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
Pr\u00e9sident du Comit\u00e9 pour le respect des libert\u00e9s et des droits de l\u2019homme en Tunisie<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Pr\u00e9sentant ses condol\u00e9ances aux Etats-Unis, le premier ministre tunisien, M. Mohamed Ghannouchi, apr\u00e8s avoir condamn\u00e9 la violence et le terrorisme, a assur\u00e9 que son pays \u00a0\u00bb agira aussi pour la cons\u00e9cration des nobles principes et valeurs humaines \u00ab\u00a0. Mais les d\u00e9rives autoritaires du r\u00e9gime sont d\u00e9nonc\u00e9es par les organisations de d\u00e9fense des droits humains, qui chiffrent \u00e0 un millier le nombre de prisonniers politiques ou de conscience. Alors que M. Ben Ali se pr\u00e9pare \u00e0 briguer un quatri\u00e8me mandat pr\u00e9sidentiel en 2004, ce que lui interdit la Constitution, l\u2019opposition tente de s\u2019organiser. <\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
L\u2019arrestation de Mme Sihem Ben Sedrine(1<\/font>) le 26 juin 2001 a repr\u00e9sent\u00e9 un \u00e9v\u00e9nement dans la vie politique tunisienne : il consacrait l\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019une g\u00e9n\u00e9ration d\u2019acteurs non inf\u00e9od\u00e9s au r\u00e9gime et dont l\u2019opinion publique d\u00e9couvrait les visages et les propos, chaque dimanche, depuis plus de cinq mois, en se branchant sur la cha\u00eene t\u00e9l\u00e9vis\u00e9e ind\u00e9pendante El Mustakila(2<\/font>) qui \u00e9met \u00e0 partir de Londres. Le citoyen, longtemps priv\u00e9 d\u2019informations non officielles, a fait ainsi la connaissance de femmes et d\u2019hommes qui, enfin, sortaient de l\u2019ombre dans lequel le r\u00e9gime s\u2019\u00e9vertuait \u00e0 les cantonner. <\/font><\/p>\n
D\u00e9nonc\u00e9es depuis des ann\u00e9es par les organisations de d\u00e9fense des droits de la personne, les violations syst\u00e9matiques et r\u00e9p\u00e9t\u00e9es des libert\u00e9s, avaient d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e9t\u00e9 port\u00e9es au grand jour par la tr\u00e8s m\u00e9diatique gr\u00e8ve de la faim du journaliste Taoufik Ben Brik en avril-mai 2000. La rage contenue du r\u00e9gime face aux d\u00e9clarations du juge Mokhtar Yahiaoui(3<\/font>) qui a fait voler en \u00e9clat l\u2019un des piliers de la propagande officielle concernant la pr\u00e9tendue ind\u00e9pendance de la justice apr\u00e8s les coups de boutoir successifs ass\u00e9n\u00e9s par le corps des avocats(4<\/font>) a r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9, en juillet 2001, le d\u00e9sarroi des autorit\u00e9s face \u00e0 ce qu\u2019on peut appeler le r\u00e9veil de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile.<\/font><\/p>\n
Ainsi va la Tunisie : des grains de sable qui, bravant le d\u00e9s\u00e9quilibre flagrant des forces, font, par couches successives, craquer la machine r\u00e9pressive. Parviendront-ils ces grains de sable \u00e0 faire douter un r\u00e9gime conscient de sa force, ayant soumis tout un pays \u00e0 son diktat et b\u00e9n\u00e9ficiant du soutien diplomatique et de l\u2019appui financier jamais d\u00e9mentis des puissances occidentales(5<\/font>) ? Seront-ils en mesure d\u2019infl\u00e9chir la marche de M. Ben Ali vers un quatri\u00e8me mandat, au m\u00e9pris de la Constitution, alors que lui-m\u00eame s\u2019organise pour s\u2019installer ind\u00e9finiment \u00e0 la pr\u00e9sidence de la R\u00e9publique ?. Ainsi la loi constitutionnelle n\u00b0 97-65 qu\u2019il a fait vot\u00e9 en 1997 lui permet, notamment, de soumettre au r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum les projets de r\u00e9vision de la Constitution (art.76) et cela, dans le but de modifier le fameux article 39 interdisant au pr\u00e9sident d\u2019\u00eatre r\u00e9\u00e9ligible plus de deux fois. Pourtant, le chef de l\u2019Etat s\u2019\u00e9tait engag\u00e9, par une pr\u00e9c\u00e9dente r\u00e9vision de ce m\u00eame article 39, \u00e0 limiter \u00e0 trois le nombre des mandats pr\u00e9sidentiels successifs. En fait, il gouverne sans partage depuis 1987, s\u2019appuyant sur un appareil policier tentaculaire pour \u00e9liminer tous ses adversaires politiques. A la faveur de la r\u00e9pression du mouvement islamiste En-Nahdha au d\u00e9but des ann\u00e9es 1990(6<\/font>) , et en vue d\u2019\u00e9liminer tout potentiel de contestation, l\u2019ensemble de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 a \u00e9t\u00e9 soumis \u00e0 un quadrillage policier usant syst\u00e9matiquement de la torture pour arracher les aveux et faire condamner les pr\u00e9venus par une justice aux ordres, indiff\u00e9rente aux supplices des victimes(7<\/font>). Aux m\u00e9thodes classiques et ouvertes de la r\u00e9pression, se sont ajout\u00e9es celles de l\u2019ombre, \u00e9tendues \u00e0 la sph\u00e8re \u00e9conomique. <\/font><\/p>\n
Un syst\u00e8me pyramidal<\/font><\/p>\n
R\u00e9sultat : quatorze ans apr\u00e8s sa prise de pouvoir, on ne retrouve dans l\u2019entourage du pr\u00e9sident aucune des personnalit\u00e9s politiques qui l\u2019avaient aid\u00e9 \u00e0 s’emparer de celui-ci. Les opposants d’une certaine stature ont \u00e9t\u00e9 contraints au silence, \u00e0 l\u2019exil forc\u00e9 ou \u00e0 la prison. Un syst\u00e8me pyramidal s\u2019est mis en place sur lequel r\u00e8gne le pr\u00e9sident. Il s’appuie sur des proches (et amis) pratiquant l\u2019omerta, li\u00e9s le plus souvent par des liens de parent\u00e9 et sur des technocrates arrivistes(8<\/font>). <\/font><\/p>\n
Musel\u00e9e, la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile s\u2019est distingu\u00e9e, cependant, durant la derni\u00e8re d\u00e9cennie par un nombre croissant d’actes de dissidence, faisant du combat pour le respect des libert\u00e9s et des droits de l\u2019homme le principal terrain de contestation. La Ligue tunisienne pour la d\u00e9fense des droits de l\u2019homme (LTDH), doyenne des ligues africaines et arabes, a pr\u00e9serv\u00e9 son existence et son ind\u00e9pendance, en d\u00e9pit des dures r\u00e9actions du r\u00e9gime (condamnation du vice-pr\u00e9sident Kh\u00e9mais Ksila \u00e0 3 ans de prison ferme, filatures, \u00e9coutes t\u00e9l\u00e9phoniques, harc\u00e8lement, pressions diverses\u2026). Le 5eme congr\u00e8s des 26 et 27 octobre 2000 a consacr\u00e9 l\u2019\u00e9lection d\u00e9mocratique d\u2019une direction ind\u00e9pendante, pr\u00e9sid\u00e9e par Me Mokhtar Trifi, contre laquelle s’est engag\u00e9 un marathon politico-judicaire aboutissant le 21 juin 2001 \u00e0 un verdict, certes aberrant mais qui a permis \u00e0 la LTDH de r\u00e9int\u00e9grer ses locaux.<\/font><\/p>\n
Le Conseil national des libert\u00e9s en Tunisie (CNLT), a \u00e9t\u00e9 fond\u00e9 par une quarantaine de personnalit\u00e9s le 10 d\u00e9cembre 1999, avec pour mot d\u2019ordre \u201d Exer\u00e7ons nos libert\u00e9s, ne les revendiquons pas \u201d. Sous l’impulsion du Dr Moncef Marzouki, puis de Mme Sihem Ben Sedrine, il a multipli\u00e9 les prises de position, rapports et actions pour faire conna\u00eetre le d\u00e9labrement des libert\u00e9s, la situation dramatique des prisons, la pratique syst\u00e9matique de la torture et la corruption. <\/font><\/p>\n
Une dynamique interassociative s\u2019est mise en marche impliquant, outre la LTDH et le CNLT, l\u2019Association tunisienne des femmes d\u00e9mocrates (ATFD), l\u2019Association des jeunes avocats (AJA) qui a jou\u00e9 un r\u00f4le d\u00e9terminant dans la r\u00e9ussite de la premi\u00e8re gr\u00e8ve g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des avocats, l\u2019Union g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des \u00e9tudiants de Tunisie (UGET) qui, malgr\u00e9 ses divisions, s’efforce d’associer le mouvement \u00e9tudiant \u00e0 ce combat pour les libert\u00e9s. Le retentissement de l\u2019action du journaliste Taoufik Ben Brik a ouvert la voie \u00e0 de nombreuses gr\u00e8ves de la faim de d\u00e9tenus et d\u2019ex-d\u00e9tenus, d\u2019\u00e9tudiants exclus de l\u2019Universit\u00e9, d\u2019opposants priv\u00e9s de leurs passeports, de syndicalistes licenci\u00e9s. Spontan\u00e9ment, \u00e0 la faveur d\u2019une rumeur durant l\u2019ann\u00e9e 2000, les lyc\u00e9ens ont d\u00e9fil\u00e9 dans les rues des principales villes. Les chauffeurs de taxi et les routiers d\u00e9brayent pour protester contre une r\u00e9forme du permis jug\u00e9e abusive. A chaque fois, le pouvoir fait volte face et recule tout en continuant d’ass\u00e9ner des coups.<\/font><\/p>\n
Bravant l’interdit, la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile prouve sa nouvelle capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 prendre en charge ses revendications (ind\u00e9pendance de la justice, libert\u00e9 de la presse, abolition de la peine de mort, droit au passeport, \u00e9galit\u00e9 des femmes et des hommes en mati\u00e8re d\u2019h\u00e9ritage\u2026) autour de la d\u00e9fense de figures d\u00e9sormais connues comme Me N\u00e9jib Hosni, Hamma Hammami, \u00e9poux de Me Radhia Nassraoui, Sihem Ben Sedrine, Mohamed Moadda, le Dr Moncef Marzouki, Sadri Khiari, Fethi Chamkhi, H\u00e9di B\u00e9jaoui, Mehdi Zougah. Mais c\u2019est surtout l\u2019action pour la lib\u00e9ration des d\u00e9tenus politiques et l\u2019amnistie des victimes de la r\u00e9pression qui fait aujourd\u2019hui l\u2019objet d\u2019un tr\u00e8s large consensus de nature \u00e0 favoriser un d\u00e9bat constructif sur le r\u00f4le et la place de l\u2019islam politique. Les proc\u00e8s sont devenus des temps forts de la mobilisation permettant \u00e0 la solidarit\u00e9 internationale de s’exprimer. L\u2019action s\u2019est \u00e9largie au domaine social et \u00e9conomique avec la naissance du Rassemblement pour une nouvelle alternative du d\u00e9veloppement (RAID\/ATTAC Tunisie) et commence \u00e0 concerner des intellectuels et des personnalit\u00e9s jusque-l\u00e0 rest\u00e9s \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9cart. Au printemps 2001, des p\u00e9titions ont recueilli des centaines de signatures notamment sur le th\u00e8me de l\u2019opposition \u00e0 un quatri\u00e8me mandat pr\u00e9sidentiel en appelant \u00e0 l\u2019alternance, \u00e0 des r\u00e9formes politiques, institutionnelles et \u00e9conomiques et au respect de la souverainet\u00e9 du peuple.<\/font><\/p>\n
Des partis politiques non reconnus, dont les membres ont largement contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9veil de cette nouvelle r\u00e9sistance, multiplient les initiatives et les \u00e9changes au niveau national et international -tel le Forum d\u00e9mocratique du travail, anim\u00e9 par le Dr Mustpaha Ben Jaafar, \u00e0 qui le Parti socialiste fran\u00e7ais a apport\u00e9 un soutien appuy\u00e9. Le Mouvement des d\u00e9mocrates socialistes l\u00e9gitime, dirig\u00e9 par Mohamed Moadda, le Parti communiste des ouvriers de Tunisie (PCOT), les trotskistes, les patriotes-d\u00e9mocrates, les nationalistes, mais aussi les islamistes s\u2019activent dans un m\u00eame \u00e9lan. Des initiatives sont en cours pour cr\u00e9er de nouveaux partis ou alliances politiques tel le Parti du Congr\u00e8s de la R\u00e9publique pr\u00e9sid\u00e9 par le Dr Moncef Marzouki . <\/font><\/p>\n
Prison sans barreaux<\/font> <\/font><\/font><\/p>\n
Du c\u00f4t\u00e9 des partis l\u00e9gaux, certains, comme le Rassemblement socialiste progressiste (RSP), r\u00e9cemment rebaptis\u00e9 Parti d\u00e9mocrate progressiste (PDP), prennent progressivement leurs distances avec le pouvoir et tentent de se repositionner pour tenir compte de la situation nouvelle. Tandis que d\u2019autres partis \u00a0\u00bb d\u00e9cors \u00a0\u00bb sont travers\u00e9s par des crises internes. Lors du dernier congr\u00e8s du Mouvement Et Tajdid (ex-communiste) la base a vivement contest\u00e9 les orientations et les pratiques de la direction, longtemps cantonn\u00e9e dans son r\u00f4le de \u00ab\u00a0caution de gauche\u00a0\u00bb du r\u00e9gime. Bref, le champ politique tend \u00e0 se restructurer dans la perspective des prochaines \u00e9ch\u00e9ances.<\/font><\/p>\n
Incontestablement, la peur a recul\u00e9 jetant le doute au sein du pouvoir quant \u00e0 l\u2019efficacit\u00e9 du tout-r\u00e9pressif, attisant la lutte des clans entre tenants du statu quo et partisans d\u2019un infl\u00e9chissement.<\/font><\/p>\n
Alternant fermet\u00e9 et petits signes d\u2019ouverture, le pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali veut maintenant aller vite et frapper fort. Apr\u00e8s avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 tent\u00e9 par la mani\u00e8re douce \u00e0 la veille du congr\u00e8s de la LTDH en octobre 2000, il semble, depuis lors, avoir choisi le passage en force, anticipant sur toute vell\u00e9it\u00e9 de protestation, de quelque origine qu\u2019elle soit. Il b\u00e9n\u00e9ficie de l\u2019aide d\u2019une presse \u00e0 sa solde qui se charge volontiers de d\u00e9verser un d\u00e9luge d\u2019insultes et de diffamations. <\/font><\/p>\n
Depuis les derni\u00e8res \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles et l\u00e9gislatives d\u2019octobre 1999, on ne compte pas moins de 25 proc\u00e8s politiques et d\u2019opinion, plus de vingt agressions violentes contre des opposants et des militants des droits de la personne, une tentative de meurtre, le 22 mai 2000, contre Riadh Ben Fadhel, journaliste et homme d\u2019affaires, pr\u00e8s de dix d\u00e9c\u00e8s dans les prisons ou locaux de la police, l’interdiction de la quasi-totalit\u00e9 des activit\u00e9s publiques programm\u00e9es par des organisations non gouvernementales et certains partis de l\u2019opposition. <\/font><\/p>\n
Jamais, la Tunisie n\u2019avait connu dans son histoire r\u00e9cente une r\u00e9pression d’un tel degr\u00e9 de sophistication et d’une telle ampleur. Un \u201c Etat-parti \u201d de plus de 130 000 policiers et de plusieurs dizaines de milliers de cellules du RCD(9<\/font>) , de \u201ccomit\u00e9s de quartiers\u201d et de diverses structures d\u2019encadrement (plus de 7000 organisations v\u00e9ritablement gouvernementales) quadrille et contr\u00f4le une population de pr\u00e8s de dix millions d\u2019habitants, faisant de ce pays, r\u00e9put\u00e9 pour son tourisme, une prison sans barreau. On ne compte pas moins de 1000 d\u00e9tenus politiques dans les prisons, devenues, pour certains, des mouroirs, tant la d\u00e9gradation des conditions de d\u00e9tention est alarmante (torture et mauvais traitements, cellules surpeupl\u00e9es, hygi\u00e8ne et soins d\u00e9plorables, isolement, mutation disciplinaire, privations des droits les plus \u00e9l\u00e9mentaires\u2026) (10<\/font>). La presse et d\u2019autres m\u00e9dias(11<\/font>) sont b\u00e2illonn\u00e9s et soumis \u00e0 une censure tatillonne, alors que les autorit\u00e9s continuent de mobiliser d\u2019\u00e9normes moyens pour tenter, vainement, de brouiller les t\u00e9l\u00e9visions satellitaires qui \u00e9mettent \u00e0 partir de l\u2019\u00e9tranger, et d’emp\u00eacher la communication des r\u00e9seaux internet contestataires avec l\u2019ext\u00e9rieur ainsi que la consultation des journaux en ligne.<\/font><\/p>\n
Vue de l\u2019\u00e9tranger, cette r\u00e9pression para\u00eet de moins en moins fond\u00e9e face aux efforts d\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 qui tente de s\u2019organiser sans violence, le plus civilement du monde, pour faire valoir ses droits. Mais, l\u00e0 encore, ce sont surtout les ONG de d\u00e9fense des droits humains qui, de l\u2019autre cote de la M\u00e9diterran\u00e9e, manifestent activement leur solidarit\u00e9. Car l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne reste, quant \u00e0 elle, \u00e9trangement indiff\u00e9rente, se contentant d\u2019exploiter le volet \u00e9conomique de l\u2019accord d\u2019association qui la lie \u00e0 la Tunisie, au m\u00e9pris des autres engagements souscrits de part et d\u2019autre \u00e0 oeuvrer en faveur des droits de l\u2019homme et de la d\u00e9mocratie.<\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n\n
(1) Sihem Ben Sedrine est porte parole du Conseil national des libert\u00e9s en Tunisie ( CNLT) et directrice de la Maison d\u2019\u00e9dition Alo\u00e8s. Elle a \u00e9t\u00e9 arr\u00eat\u00e9e le 26 juin 2001 puis lib\u00e9r\u00e9e le 11 ao\u00fbt 2001. Elle reste inculp\u00e9e et doit compara\u00eetre devant le tribunal.<\/font><\/p>\n
(2) Dirig\u00e9e par Hachemi Hamdi, la t\u00e9l\u00e9vision par satellite consacre tous les dimanches apr\u00e8s-midi une \u00e9mission intitul\u00e9e \u00ab\u00a0Le grand Maghreb arabe\u00a0\u00bb en invitant des personnalit\u00e9s telles Me Mohktar Trifi, Mohamed Moadda, Slah Jourchi, Kh\u00e9mais Chammari, Mohamed Charfi, Kh\u00e9maies Ksila, Taoufik Ben Brik, Mustapha Ben Jaafar, Omar Shabou… <\/font><\/p>\n
(3) Voir la lettre ouverte du juge Yahiaoui adress\u00e9e au Pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali publi\u00e9e le 6 juillet 2001 dont la traduction en fran\u00e7ais se trouve dans le bulletin d\u2019information du CRLDHT du 13 juillet 2001. <\/font><\/p>\n
(4) La premi\u00e8re gr\u00e8ve g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des avocats a eu lieu le 28 avril 2000 et a connu un tr\u00e8s grand succ\u00e8s confirm\u00e9 par l\u2019\u00e9lection, fin juin 2001, pour la premi\u00e8re fois, d\u2019un nouveau b\u00e2tonnier, ind\u00e9pendant du pouvoir, Me Bechir Essid<\/font><\/p>\n
(5) Cf. Nicolas Beau et de Jean Pierre Tuquoi , \u00a0\u00bb Notre ami Ben Ali – L\u2019envers du \u00ab\u00a0miracle tunisien\u00a0\u00bb. La D\u00e9couverte, Paris 1999. <\/font><\/p>\n
(6) On estime \u00e0 plus de dix mille le nombre des interpellations et \u00e0 plus de 5000 les condamnations au cours de la d\u00e9cennie 1991-2001. <\/font><\/p>\n
(7) Cf. \u00ab\u00a0Torture en Tunisie ? 1987-2000 ; plaidoyer pour son abolition et contre l\u2019impunit\u00e9 \u00ab\u00a0, publi\u00e9 par le CRLDHT; \u00e9dition Le Temps des Cerises, Paris, 2000.<\/font><\/p>\n
(8) Cf. Taoufik Ben Brik \u00a0\u00bb Une si douce dictature ; chroniques tunisiennes 1991-2000″, La D\u00e9couverte-Reporters Sans Fronti\u00e8res-Alo\u00e8s, Paris, 2000. <\/font><\/p>\n
(9) Le RCD ? parti au pouvoir depuis 1956- revendique plus de 1,5 millions d\u2019adh\u00e9rents. <\/font><\/p>\n
(10) Voir les rapports du CNLT : \u00ab\u00a0l\u2019\u00e9tat des libert\u00e9s en Tunisie\u00a0\u00bb, 15 mars 2000; \u00ab\u00a0la situation dans les prisons tunisiennes \u00ab\u00a0, octobre 1999 ; le rapport de Kh\u00e9maies Ksila sur \u00a0\u00bb la situation carc\u00e9rale et la vie quotidienne dans les prisons \u00a0\u00bb publi\u00e9e par la Lettre de la FIDH; les rapports des organisations internationales ? Amnesty International, F\u00e9d\u00e9ration internationale des ligues des droits de l\u2019homme, Huaman right watch, Reporters Sans fronti\u00e8res, Organisation mondiale contre la torture ? et les rapports de la trentaines de missions d\u2019observation qui se sont rendues en Tunisie les trois derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es. <\/font><\/p>\n
(11) Un rapport r\u00e9alis\u00e9 par la LTDH en cours de finalisation d\u00e9crit la situation catastrophique de la presse et des m\u00e9dias. Le transfert r\u00e9cent des deux articles liberticides (art 49 et 52 ) du code de la Presse au Code p\u00e9nal n\u2019est qu\u2019un tour de passe-passe coutumier. Ces deux articles ont servi de chefs d\u2019inculpation dans tous les proc\u00e8s qu\u2019a connus la Tunisie pendant la derni\u00e8re d\u00e9cennie. <\/font><\/p>\n
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In One Muslim Land (tunisie)<\/font><\/p>\n
, an Effort to Enforce Lessons of Tolerance<\/font><\/h4>\n
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NY Times December 16, 2001 <\/p>\n
By SUSAN SACHS <\/p>\n
MANY Muslims believe that the West is clinging to an ugly image of Islam, one that distorts its basic principles of peace, equality and justice. Yet, it is sometimes in the Muslim world’s own schools and media that the religion’s message is taught as an intolerant one. <\/p>\n
Saudi Arabia’s textbooks, which are widely distributed to less- wealthy Muslim countries, advise high school students that non-Muslims deserve only contempt. In Jordan and some of Pakistan’s thousands of religious schools, children are tutored to regard Jews and Christians as blood enemies of Islam. <\/p>\n
This is, to be sure, a narrow interpretation of Islam, one that reflects the influence that fundamentalists now wield over the public discourse about religion. And while some regimes have ceded the fields of culture and education to their Islamist opposition in order to buy some political peace, Tunisia represents a rare example is of a regime that is trying to open up the schools to broader, and more tolerant, attitudes.<\/strong> <\/p>\n
Taking back the schools \u2014 teaching Islam as a code of behavior compatible with life in a pluralistic interconnected world \u2014 will not be easy. It is just one part of the continuing battle against religious extremism in the Islamic world. And, throughout this world, there remains a strong tradition of weaving religion together with politics and identity. <\/p>\n
Many Muslims recognize the conundrum: when a government tries to impose a new version of religious correctness, it is a political act, and no one has yet figured out how to remove religion from politics without paying a price. And most often, that price must be paid in repression, pushing the country away from democratic practice even as the cultural basis for democratic pluralism is being laid. <\/p>\n
No place illustrates the puzzle better than the small North African country of Tunisia. <\/p>\n
It has gone farther than any other Muslim nation in reclaiming Islam’s ideals of tolerance. Faced with an internal challenge from a fundamentalist movement that sought to create an Islamic state in the late 1980’s, the government fought back with arrests, broad anti-terror laws and social reforms. <\/p>\n
The most striking change has been in education. Over the past decade, Tunisia has overhauled its school and university curricula to emphasize respect for other monotheistic religions. Passages that degraded women and other faiths were expunged from textbooks. There are now required courses devoted to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, democracy and the value of the individual. <\/p>\n
After eliminating its Islamist opposition through police action, Tunisia nationalized its mosques, locking their doors except for prayers and strictly monitoring the sermons of its government-employed prayer leaders. Then it attacked the pockets of poverty that existed in far- flung villages, where an estimated one million of Tunisia’s 10 million people were living without electricity or dependable water. Now relatively prosperous, the country has a thriving middle class. Officials say that up to three-quarters of Tunisia’s families are homeowners and, thus, represent a powerful force for stability. <\/p>\n
All this would seem to make Tunisia a model for other Muslim states wrestling with cross-currents of religious traditionalism and modernity. The problem, in the view of human rights groups and foreign diplomats, is that Tunisia also remains a repressive state. <\/p>\n
It arrests and harasses intellectuals, human rights activists and journalists who criticize the regime of President Zine el-Abidine ben Ali. Most foreign publications are banned. Users of the domestic Internet server often find the government has blocked access to the Web sites of newspapers, opposition groups and organizations like Amnesty International. <\/p>\n
Dissidents of all political stripes are regularly pilloried in the government press as shadow fundamentalists. In Mr. ben Ali’s Tunisia, that is tantamount to being called a terrorist.<\/strong> <\/p>\n
A similar paradigm exists elsewhere in the Muslim world. <\/p>\n
EGYPT, too, has tried to wrest control of the classrooms from fundamentalists and advocates tolerance toward Christians (if somewhat less toward Jews) in its Islamic textbooks. It has also arrested thousands of suspected extremists, executing many of them after military trials. Unlike the Tunisians, Egyptian leaders have also used Islamic institutions like Al Azhar University to give their policies a stamp of religious approval. The leaders of Syria and Iraq have also imposed a relatively tolerant a view of Christians in their midst and have their own state-approved religious leaders. <\/p>\n
Again, though, the approach has not produced free and democratic societies. Religious tolerance aside, what they have in common with Tunisia is a general intolerance toward dissent, whether secular or religious. <\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0It’s a vicious circle,\u00a0\u00bb said Hanny Megally, the executive director of the Middle East and North Africa division of Human Rights Watch in New York. \u00ab\u00a0If you silence and repress all critics, not just the extremists but all aspects of civil society, you’re not allowing moderate voices to develop and grow.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
Changing what is taught in the schools, then, may be a necessary first step toward spreading the tolerant and open-minded interpretation of Islam that many Muslims feel is their birthright. <\/p>\n
But it doesn’t change the political balance of power between modernists and extremists. <\/p>\n
WHEN Tunisia first began its overhaul of classroom curriculum, fundamentalists inside and outside the country attacked the changes as an assault on Islamic values. <\/p>\n
Mohamed Charfi, who supervised the changes as minister of education, was vilified for his efforts. But he argues in his book, \u00ab\u00a0Islam and Freedom: the Historic Misunderstanding,\u00a0\u00bb that the effort was necessary. The narrow version of Islam that dominates religious textbooks in the Muslim world, he wrote, has contributed to the growth of violent and extremist Muslim movements that have come to threaten moderate governments. <\/p>\n
Muslim leaders now must do more to propagate an Islam that prepares Muslims for a role in the modern world, he argues, rather than allowing Islamic discourse that teaches them to isolate themselves. <\/p>\n
The issue is not the misunderstandings between non-Muslims and Muslims, according to Mr. Charfi, but failures within the Islamic world to take on the fundamentalists. <\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0The problem of the Muslim world today is that even those countries with a progressive vision of Islam do not dare to defend it,\u00a0\u00bb he said. \u00ab\u00a0When they modernize, they do so without talking about it out loud.\u00a0\u00bb <\/strong><\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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UN JOURNAL AMERICAIN REVIENT SUR LE CAS CERTAINS TUNISIENS ACCUSES DE JOUER UN ROLE IMPORTANT DANS LE TRAFIC DES PASSEPORTS…<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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Los Angeles Times:<\/strong><\/p>\n
December 16, 2001
SUNDAY REPORT<\/span>
Fraudulent Passports Key Weapon for Terrorists<\/span>
By CRAIG PYES and SEBASTIAN ROTELLA and DAVID ZUCCHINO, TIMES STAFF WRITERS<\/p>\n
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BRUSSELS — The murder weapons were a bomb and two passports.<\/strong><\/font><\/h4>\n
The bomb was concealed in camera equipment carried by two Tunisians who assassinated Ahmed Shah Masoud, legendary guerrilla leader of Afghanistan’s Northern Alliance, on Sept. 9.<\/p>\n
The assassins’ fraudulent Belgian passports had been prepared with the same meticulous efficiency as the explosives because they were just as vital to the crime. An identity document is a terrorist’s mask, a talisman, a key to triumph or disaster. Posing as television journalists, the Brussels-based Tunisians traveled to London, Pakistan and on to Masoud’s mountain headquarters in Afghanistan, where they blew him up shortly after beginning an interview. European and U.S. investigators believe that their act was ordered by Osama bin Laden as a prelude to the Sept. 11 attacks in the U.S.<\/p>\n
To reconstruct the Tunisians’ deadly journey, European investigators are retracing the trail of the documents. The passport carried by 35-year-old Dahmane Abd al Sattar, who was gunned down by Northern Alliance bodyguards after surviving the explosion, was stolen from the Belgian Consulate in Strasbourg, France, in August 1999.<\/p>\n
The document of the phony cameraman, who was killed instantly by the blast and has not yet been identified publicly, was stolen from the Belgian Embassy in The Hague in November that same year.<\/p>\n
The blank passports disappeared into the underworld and reappeared in the hands of Islamic extremists, whose forgery experts gave the assassins new identities, investigators say.<\/p>\n
Police in Belgium and France have taken into custody five suspects accused of furnishing documents to the assassins. The case against them is a glimpse into a criminal industry that feeds the jihad of rootless marauders headed from Europe, North America and the Middle East to training camps and battle theaters such as Bosnia-Herzegovina and Chechnya.<\/p>\n
The raw material for the underground document workshops comes from an assortment of sources, an investigation by The Times has shown. The business transcends ethnic and ideological differences.<\/p>\n
Serbian safecrackers conducted a stealthy blitzkrieg on Belgian city halls. Muslim officials in Bosnia offered passports to hundreds of Arab holy warriors who came to fight the Serbs. Corrupt officials in Yemen, Algeria and Albania purloined thousands of passports. Burglars carted off stacks of driver’s licenses in Naples, Italy; purse snatchers and hotel thieves committed seemingly random rip-offs in Madrid, Cairo and Montreal.<\/p>\n
Although no evidence has emerged that the 19 hijackers who carried out the Sept. 11 attacks used false documents, doctored passports have enabled would-be terrorists to plot attacks such as the Masoud assassination and the failed attempt to bomb Los Angeles International Airport in 1999.<\/p>\n
Wiretaps Zero In on Chatter About Passports<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0The fraudulent travel document issue is important because it allows terrorist groups to function,\u00a0\u00bb said Ronald K. Noble, secretary-general of Interpol. \u00ab\u00a0It’s something that benefits organized crime of all types–terrorism, trafficking in drugs and human beings, trafficking in stolen motor vehicles. . . . For all this, the identity documents are crucial.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
Suspected terrorists spend countless hours talking about passports, according to police experts and wiretaps. Chattering about documents in code–\u00ab\u00a0books,\u00a0\u00bb \u00ab\u00a0green pants,\u00a0\u00bb \u00ab\u00a0green sweaters\u00a0\u00bb–members of an extremist Islamic cell in Milan, Italy, that was broken up this year sound alternately businesslike, comical and desperate. They sound like junkies talking about drugs.<\/p>\n
The management responsibilities of Tunisian Essid Sami Ben Khemais, 33, the alleged boss of the Milan cell, revolved largely around papers. The suspects allegedly specialized in furnishing documents to help North African and Middle Eastern extremists move around Europe without using their real identities, according to Italian authorities.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais intervened to resolve disputes over prices for identity cards from Spain, Bulgaria, Italy and Egypt needed for jihadis between 25 and 37 years old. He fielded a phone call pleading for a European document with forged visas for a fundamentalist \u00ab\u00a0brother\u00a0\u00bb stranded in Turkey.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais warned his men that they literally held their fate–and that of others–in their hands.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0The first thing now is security, do you understand?\u00a0\u00bb he told a caller in January as Italian police wiretappers listened. \u00ab\u00a0At the first identity check, if they open and verify the passport, they realize that it’s rotten merchandise, and that way the whole group is ruined. We all go down.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
Terrorist Leaders Protected by Anonymity<\/p>\n
Anonymity is the ultimate shield for the secret leaders of the terrorist movement, as Ben Khemais explained, according to the wiretap transcript.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0In Al Qaeda, there are various top-secret things,\u00a0\u00bb he said. \u00ab\u00a0If somebody is important, you must not put him at risk. . . . And he continuously changes his name . . . because an individual that high up cannot expose himself. Why does no one know Abu Selman? He knows 5,000 people, but no one knows him. Not even a cat.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
Principal types of passport fraud include forgery; theft of blank documents; substitution of photos on existing passports; and impostor fraud, which utilizes the passport of a person with a similar appearance.<\/p>\n
Forgers use commercially available color copiers and printers, embossing equipment and offset printers. U.S. authorities continually upgrade technological safeguards in American passports and visas to thwart counterfeiters.<\/p>\n
Nonetheless, there is no international database containing each country’s list of stolen or fraudulent travel documents, according to Noble of Interpol.<\/p>\n
The widespread presence of Islamic extremists in Europe is a top concern of U.S. border officials. Most Western European countries have visa waiver agreements with the United States that allow citizens to travel across the Atlantic without visas. The U.S. is reviewing visa waiver agreements with Belgium, Italy, Portugal, Slovenia, Argentina and Uruguay because of the potential for fraud, according to U.S. immigration officials.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0We have had a great deal of cooperation with other governments . . . in trying to lessen the ability of people to use stolen blanks,\u00a0\u00bb said an official at the State Department’s Bureau of Consular Affairs, who spoke on condition of anonymity. \u00ab\u00a0The Belgians have made it a habit to notify our embassies\u00a0\u00bb about suspect documents.<\/p>\n
Belgium was identified years ago as a vulnerable target of networks that emerged from the bloody Islamic insurgency in Algeria. In the 1980s, major Algerian document-forging rackets sprang up and, aided by official corruption in Algeria, spread overseas, law enforcement officials said.<\/p>\n
Experts within the Algerian diaspora helped filter leaders and combatants in and out of their homeland and, amid a terror campaign in France in the mid-1990s, became service providers to Islamic networks, including Al Qaeda. Thieves in Europe’s North African expatriate communities stole passports from tourists and city halls, then used sophisticated chemical treatments to replace photos.<\/p>\n
Members of the terrorist cell of Ahmed Ressam, an Algerian who planned to bomb LAX but was arrested at the U.S.-Canadian border in December 1999, traveled with passports from an unlikely source: Tongeren, a Flemish-speaking community of 30,000 that bills itself as Belgium’s oldest town.<\/p>\n
Tongeren is 95% Catholic and is known for Roman ruins, a Gothic church and a Sunday antique market. In the dingy Montreal apartment that harbored Ressam’s cell, police found passports stolen from the Tongeren City Hall in February 1998.<\/p>\n
Starting in 1995, more than 300 city halls in Belgium were burglarized by professionals who stole thousands of blank passports and identity documents. The break-ins were traced largely to Serbian gangs operating in Antwerp, Brussels and Charleroi, police said.<\/p>\n
Most of the city halls were old buildings with poor security. The thieves struck on weekends, giving them 48 hours to pry open safes. Because the safecracking took a long time, the burglars generally ate whatever food was on the premises. That became their signature.<\/p>\n
The biggest burglary netted more than 3,000 passports in a small border village, police said. But generally, the haul would be several hundred passports, driver’s licenses, identity cards, visa stamps and travel permits. Passports usually fetched between $700 and $2,300 on the black market.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0This was a low-risk, big-benefit enterprise,\u00a0\u00bb said Kurt Boudry, who formerly was in charge of investigating organized theft for the Belgian federal police. \u00ab\u00a0Why risk trafficking in drugs?\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
Although the ethnic strife of the Balkans made it unlikely that Serbs would deal directly with Muslim terrorists, business is business: Passports circulate in an international underworld.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0It’s about meeting people and talking with each other in dark cafes and dark bars and being willing to pay,\u00a0\u00bb Boudry said.<\/p>\n
Belgian officials still get calls from around the world about suspects captured with stolen Belgian papers.<\/p>\n
The Tongeren City Hall, which has since moved into a modern glass and steel structure, was located in a 19th century red brick edifice that was once a hospital. Even though the police department shared the building, the thieves encountered few obstacles. They broke through a window and, as they worked, gobbled down yogurt they had found.<\/p>\n
The safes containing documents were opened with a key left carelessly on a desk, said Tongeren Police Chief Tony Verlackt.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0The group made lots of money falsifying and selling them in other countries,\u00a0\u00bb Verlackt said. \u00ab\u00a0They’ve been found as far away as Canada and Africa.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
Police Raid Nets Cache of Blank Documents<\/p>\n
Flow of the Tongeren passports throughout the world was directed from London. The gatekeeper for stolen and forged documents in London for recruits headed to Afghan terror-training camps or cells in Europe, according to a U.S. federal indictment, was a 37-year-old Algerian known as Abu Doha.<\/p>\n
Abu Doha was carrying a phony passport when police arrested him in February at Heathrow airport. When Scotland Yard raided his apartment, detectives found Belgian, Spanish, French and Slovak passports as well as blank passports from Italy, France and Spain. Searchers also found laminating equipment and an assortment of passport photos of Abu Doha with different appearances.<\/p>\n
Authorities found that, in each country where he ran into trouble, Abu Doha had used a new alias. He perfected the art of masking himself with multiple identities, according to a European intelligence official who specializes in Algerian terror groups. Doubts about the suspect’s true identity caused U.S. prosecutors to indict him as Abu Doha, a nickname.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0Who is Abu Doha?\u00a0\u00bb the official said. \u00ab\u00a0Who is he? How do you define people with several aliases in several countries? The art of jihad has several facets. One of them is that they are trained in [deception].\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
In August, a U.S. grand jury in New York indicted Abu Doha in the LAX bomb plot. Ressam testified that Abu Doha led an Algerian terror cell at an Afghan terrorist camp called Khalden and that he was the point man for terrorists who returned from the camps to Europe. The U.S. indictment alleges that Abu Doha met with Bin Laden in 1998 and added his Algerian terror network to Al Qaeda’s campaign against the West.<\/p>\n
Abu Doha’s London address was scrawled on a calendar recovered by police in 1999 from the apartment of a Ressam associate in Montreal. Also on the calendar was the post office box address in Peshawar, Pakistan, of a Bin Laden aide in charge of receiving terrorist recruits bound for the training camps.<\/p>\n
The calendar, complete with Ressam’s fingerprints, helped police connect Abu Doha to Al Qaeda and its interlocking web of stolen and forged travel documents. Also found in the apartment were photocopies of passports from Tongeren that provided identities of terrorists who were later arrested in London and Frankfurt, Germany.<\/p>\n
French investigators were led to the Montreal address through the investigation of another passport operation. In 1996, Laifa Khabou, a courier who lived in northern France, racked up air miles retrieving ingredients for false identities.<\/p>\n
In Istanbul, Turkey, Khabou picked up photographs of three suspected terrorists. In Montreal, a Moroccan forger who was Ressam’s roommate gave the courier three Moroccan passports and visa stamps. Then Khabou flew back to Brussels to have an expert forger from London carefully insert the photos into the passports.<\/p>\n
Finally, the courier returned to Istanbul and delivered the fresh papers to a contact at an Islamic charity, which French police say trafficked in passports and weapons in Turkey, Bosnia, Afghanistan and Chechnya. Khabou was taken into custody by French police as part of the lengthy investigation that dismantled the Montreal terror network.<\/p>\n
Even when such operations are broken up, others continue. London-based specialists allegedly helped prepare the stolen Belgian passports for the Masoud assassins this year, according to a European law enforcement official.<\/p>\n
Embassy Thiefs May Have Had Inside Help<\/p>\n
The two passports were stolen even after Belgian authorities improved security in 1998 and stopped issuing documents from city halls. Criminals responded with a flurry of thefts at embassies and consulates, a more challenging tactic that suggests inside assistance in some cases.<\/p>\n
Not much is known about the thefts at the embassy in The Hague or the consulate in Strasbourg, except that a number of the blank passports went to members of the Tunisian Islamic Fighting Group. That network is led by a Bin Laden ally named Seifallah Ben Hassine who worked closely with Abu Doha in London, according to European officials.<\/p>\n
The Tunisian organization trained at an Al Qaeda camp complex called Darunta in Afghanistan, according to law enforcement officials. It is believed that as Bin Laden plotted the Sept. 11 attacks, he decided to eliminate Masoud in a preemptive strike because the guerrilla hero was a natural leader for any U.S.-backed retaliation.<\/p>\n
A working theory among European investigators is that Bin Laden turned to the Tunisians in an exchange of services.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0It may be that the assassination was a way for the Tunisians to pay their rent for the training camp,\u00a0\u00bb the law enforcement official said.<\/p>\n
The mission allegedly was assigned to a Tunisian-dominated cell in Brussels that authorities detected last year. A leader in the group, Al Sattar, had the appropriate background to pose as a television reporter. He had studied journalism in Tunisia before immigrating in 1989 to Belgium, where he lived on a student visa and studied communications at three universities. Al Sattar apparently was a bona fide student at first, according to a law enforcement official.<\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0He was not an Islamic militant when he got to Belgium,\u00a0\u00bb the official said. \u00ab\u00a0He was recruited and radicalized at some point. He may have continued his studies to preserve his immigration status.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
The Tunisian assassins chose to present themselves as Moroccan-born Belgian citizens, probably because Moroccans are the biggest immigrant group in Belgium. And they used the names of real Moroccans known to them, a common practice along with using actual birth dates on phony identity cards, according to the official. The Moroccan names ultimately helped investigators track down the suspects arrested recently in Belgium and France.<\/p>\n
Letter Helped Get Pair Within Killing Range<\/p>\n
Belgian authorities have not yet revealed the names of the jailed suspects, who are Tunisian, Algerian and Moroccan. A suspect jailed in France, Adel Taberski, allegedly obtained the plane tickets to Pakistan for the killers. The suspects may not have known the objective of the trip, officials say.<\/p>\n
In addition to putting together the passports in London, document specialists also are suspected of assisting with the killers’ Pakistani visas. They had one-year multiple entry visas, which are not usually granted to journalists or Arabs. Authorities have not yet said whether the visas were authentic, but one law enforcement official said they were fraudulent.<\/p>\n
The final piece of the plot, authorities say, was a letter of recommendation from Yasser al Siri, an Egyptian who directs an Islamic organization in London. British police arrested him in October and charged him with conspiracy, alleging that the letter introducing the assassins as journalists for an Arabic news service was written to help them gain access to their victim.<\/p>\n
The killers flew to Pakistan on July 25. They gradually made their way to Kabul, the Afghan capital, and then into Northern Alliance territory. The documents got them within killing range of Masoud; the explosives did the rest.<\/p>\n
(BEGIN TEXT OF INFOBOX \/ INFOGRAPHIC)<\/p>\n
Excerpt of Italian Police Wiretap<\/p>\n
For three months this year, Italian intelligence agents bugged the phones of a suspected terrorist cell in Milan, Italy, and the apartment of Essid Sami Ben Khemais, a 33-year-old Tunisian.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais was arrested in April and accused of leading the cell, which police have linked to the Al Qaeda network. On the tapes, suspects speak reverently of Osama bin Laden and tell war stories. But their conversations, deals, jokes and fears center on identity documents. The cell allegedly supplied stacks of fraudulent documents for Islamic networks in Western Europe. Here are excerpts from wiretap transcripts in an Italian prosecutor’s report.<\/p>\n
Jan. 3, 2001, 12:52 p.m.: Ben Khemais gives document forging instructions.<\/p>\n
Unknown man with Yemeni accent: How do I do this plastic?<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais : Which one . . . Itali–<\/p>\n
Unknown: No. Morocco.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: With a hair dryer. . . .<\/p>\n
Unknown: Ah! The one for the head?<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: Or use an iron.<\/p>\n
Unknown: What do you mean with an iron? I heat it up?<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: Yes. Heat it up.<\/p>\n
Unknown: And then how do I make it normal again?<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: It goes back to normal on its own. And it stays all attached, and it attaches itself. It becomes normal.<\/p>\n
Unknown: Do I heat it up a second time?<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: No, heat it up a bit, a bit. But use the hair dryer, a bit, a bit. You understand?<\/p>\n
Feb. 26, 5:15 p.m.: Ben Khemais, who is also known as Saber, takes a telephone order for a fake identification card, called a \u00ab\u00a0book.\u00a0\u00bb<\/p>\n
Mohammed (a Tunisian): There’s a brother who wants to pick up his book. Is that possible?<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: I don’t know. I really don’t know. Let him know he needs to see Farid. He needs a labor contract, everything. You understand why?<\/p>\n
Mohammed: Yes.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: I’ll see. I’ll talk to the person. I’ll see what he needs to do to pick up the book.<\/p>\n
Feb. 26, 5:34 p.m.: Mohammed calls back and forgets to speak in code.<\/p>\n
Mohammed: Brother Saber, I have to tell you he has false documents.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: God curse you. Like that on the telephone? You understand me, man?<\/p>\n
March 3, 2:35 p.m.: Ben Khemais and an associate named Lhabib talk with a man named Mohammed, who is on the phone from France.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: Here’s Lhabib, who wants to talk to you urgently.<\/p>\n
Mohammed: I’m not interested. I closed it.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: With whom?<\/p>\n
Mohammed: With Daia [phonetic spelling]. I dealt with him.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: The price?<\/p>\n
Mohammed: 170.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: Lire or francs?<\/p>\n
Mohammed: Francs.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: Just the identity card?<\/p>\n
Mohammed: Yes. The one.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: No! . . . You messed up having the identity card made there [France]. What are we going to do now with the other person? He needs the license. . . . It’s been a month he’s waiting. He’s running back and forth. . . .<\/p>\n
Mohammed: Maybe he’ll be happy with the identity card, and later we’ll give him the license.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: He wants his documents. You can’t throw away a million and a hundred for the identity card. He wants it anyway. By now we’ve thrown away a million. What, Mohammed, how did you mess up like this?<\/p>\n
Mohammed: I warned you. I haven’t messed up. I’ll tear up this identity card. When I get the money for the others. I’ll give you a million.<\/p>\n
Lhabib: Why would you tear it up? This way we lose a million. Why do you talk like that? Don’t get mad.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais interrupts. Shut your mouth, he tells Lhabib, and takes the phone.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: If you want to talk about these things, use the other phone.<\/p>\n
March 12: Ben Khemais laughs about being stopped by police. The seemingly routine identity check was part of the surveillance operation that led to his arrest three weeks later.<\/p>\n
Ben Khemais: This is the second or third time that I get myself stopped with Issam’s documents, understand? They confiscated one of Issam’s documents and one of his photos . . . also Ussama’s brother got caught with Issam’s documents [laughter], everybody gets caught with this stuff on them [laughter]. . . . No, I’m not under surveillance. . . . It was just a routine check. God knows it was a routine check. <\/p><\/div>\n
For information about reprinting this article, go to http:\/\/www.lats.com\/rights<\/a><\/span> <\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Tunisie
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Deux pr\u00eats de la BEI d\u2019un montant 95 millions d\u2019euros<\/font><\/h5>\n
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\u00a0
La Banque europ\u00e9enne d\u2019investissement (BEI) a accord\u00e9 deux pr\u00eats d\u2019un montant global de 195 millions d\u2019euros \u00e0 la Tunisie pour le financement des petites et moyennes entreprises (PME) et pour un projet d\u2019adduction d\u2019eau potable.
\u00a0
Le premier pr\u00eat, de 100 millions d\u2019euros, est une ligne de cr\u00e9dit ouverte aux institutions financi\u00e8res, qui devraient octroyer des pr\u00eats \u00e0 long terme aux PME tunisiennes op\u00e9rant dans les secteurs industriels et des services.
\u00a0
Le deuxi\u00e8me cr\u00e9dit, d\u2019un montant de 95 millions d\u2019euros, est destin\u00e9 \u00e0 financer l\u2019adduction d\u2019eau potable du nord du pays vers les r\u00e9gions du Sahel (centre-est) et de Sfax (sud).
\u00a0

T.H<\/font>
Source: www.tunishebdo.com.tn<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Liste publi\u00e9e gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 l’aide exquise de l’association :<\/b><\/font> <\/div>\n
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Freedoms Friends\u00a0 FrihetsV\u0646nner F\u0650reningen\u00a0 Box 62 127 22 Sk\u0646rholmen\u00a0 Sweden
Tel\/:(46) 8- 4648308\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0<\/p>\n
Fax:(46) 8 464 83 21<\/font><\/h5>\n
\u00a0 <\/font>\u00a0e-mail: fvf@swipnet.se<\/a><\/b><\/font><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n
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Accueil \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 TUNISNEWS Nr\u00a0578 du 17\/12\/2001 Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici \u00a0 LES TITRES DE CE JOUR: Le Canard encha\u00een\u00e9 : Chirac peut faire l’unanimit\u00e9 Kamel Jendoubi: La peur peut-t-elle changer de camp ? , course de vitesse en Tunisie New York Times: In One Muslim Land (Tunisia), an Effort to Enforce […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22040,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[64,32,30,29],"class_list":["post-21052","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-64","tag-32","tag-ar","tag-fr"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/21052","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=21052"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/21052\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/22040"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=21052"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=21052"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=21052"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}

Nr\u00a0578 du 17\/12\/2001<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
\n
Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
<\/font><\/tt><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
<\/font><\/tt><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Le Canard encha\u00een\u00e9 (mercredi 12 d\u00e9cembre 2001), page 8<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

<\/u><\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
\u0641\u064a \u0647\u0640\u0640\u0640\u0630\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0640\u0640\u0640\u062f\u062f<\/u><\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/b><\/p>\n
<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/b><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u0641\u064a \u0647\u0640\u0640\u0640\u0630\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0640\u0640\u0640\u062f\u062f<\/u><\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/b><\/p>\n
<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/b><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u00ab\u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0641\u00bb \u0645\u0647\u062f\u0651\u062f\u0629 \u0628\u0627\u0644\u0627\u062d\u062a\u062c\u0627\u0628<\/o:p><\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u0634\u064a\u0626\u0627 \u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062c\u0646\u0648\u0646 \u0623\u064a\u0647\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0639\u0627\u0631\u0636\u0648\u0646<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/span><\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

COURSE DE VITESSE EN TUNISIE.<\/b><\/font><\/h4>\n<\/p>\n
www.crldht.org<\/a><\/font><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/blockquote>\n
<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

In One Muslim Land (tunisie)<\/font><\/p>\n
, an Effort to Enforce Lessons of Tolerance<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/strong> <\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

, an Effort to Enforce Lessons of Tolerance<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/strong> <\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Deux pr\u00eats de la BEI d\u2019un montant 95 millions d\u2019euros<\/font><\/h5>\n
<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Nr\u00a0578 du 17\/12\/2001<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n\nConsulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/font><\/tt><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/font><\/tt><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Le Canard encha\u00een\u00e9 (mercredi 12 d\u00e9cembre 2001), page 8<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

<\/u><\/p>\n<\/p>\n\u0641\u064a \u0647\u0640\u0640\u0640\u0630\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0640\u0640\u0640\u062f\u062f<\/u><\/font><\/h4>\n<\/b><\/p>\n<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/b><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u0641\u064a \u0647\u0640\u0640\u0640\u0630\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0640\u0640\u0640\u062f\u062f<\/u><\/font><\/h4>\n<\/b><\/p>\n<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/b><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u00ab\u0627\u0644\u0645\u0648\u0642\u0641\u00bb \u0645\u0647\u062f\u0651\u062f\u0629 \u0628\u0627\u0644\u0627\u062d\u062a\u062c\u0627\u0628<\/o:p><\/font><\/h4>\n<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u0634\u064a\u0626\u0627 \u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062c\u0646\u0648\u0646 \u0623\u064a\u0647\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0639\u0627\u0631\u0636\u0648\u0646<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/span><\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

COURSE DE VITESSE EN TUNISIE.<\/b><\/font><\/h4>\n<\/p>\nwww.crldht.org<\/a><\/font><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

In One Muslim Land (tunisie)<\/font><\/p>\n, an Effort to Enforce Lessons of Tolerance<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/strong> <\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

, an Effort to Enforce Lessons of Tolerance<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/font><\/h4>\n<\/strong> <\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Deux pr\u00eats de la BEI d\u2019un montant 95 millions d\u2019euros<\/font><\/h5>\n <\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n