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LES TITRES DE CE JOUR:<\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/span><\/font><\/font><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/div>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
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Olfa Lamloum: Eviter les raccourcis simplistes<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/strong><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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<\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Alternatives-Citoyennes: La R\u00e9publique et les amendements constitutionnels<\/strong><\/font><\/h3>\n
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<\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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<\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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<\/font><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
<\/font><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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Extraits d\u2019un echange entre deux internautes tunisiens sur le forum du site <\/font>www.perspectivestunisiennes.com<\/font><\/a> <\/strong><\/font><\/p>\n
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Le blocage de hotmail en Tunisie suscite une proposition geniale de la part du site ballouchi.com<\/strong><\/font><\/h3>\n
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Le Monde:\u00a0 Le pr\u00e9texte antiterroriste de Bruxelles, par un collectif d’avocats europ\u00e9ens<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/h4>\n
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<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/font><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/font><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/li>\n
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<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/span><\/font><\/font><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/font><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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\u0627\u0644\u062f\u0643\u062a\u0648\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0635\u062d\u0628\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0645\u0631\u064a<\/font><\/h5>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n
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<\/font><\/font><\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n
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Mme Olfa Lamloum a bien voulu adresser \u00e0 TUNISNEWS cet article publi\u00e9 dans le dernier num\u00e9ro de \u00ab\u00a0Regards\u00a0\u00bb (mensuel du parti communiste fran\u00e7ais) de novembre 2001 dans le cadre d’un dossier sur \u00ab\u00a0l’Islam politique\u00a0\u00bb comprenant entre autres un entretien avec Alain Gresh sur : \u00ab\u00a0Les enjeux d’un dialogue\u00a0\u00bb.
Merci \u00e0 elle.<\/strong><\/font><\/em><\/span><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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Eviter les raccourcis simplistes<\/o:p><\/font><\/h5>\n
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\u00a0<\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
Il est vrai que tous les courants islamistes d\u00e9fendent la polygamie, l\u2019in\u00e9galit\u00e9 dans le mariage et l\u2019h\u00e9ritage, une conception r\u00e9pressive de la sexualit\u00e9\u2026 Mais les pouvoirs qui r\u00e9priment les islamistes ont en r\u00e8gle g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des politiques assez peu f\u00e9ministes. Ironie de l\u2019histoire, les Etats policiers en manque de l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 et menac\u00e9s par la contestation islamiste n\u2019h\u00e9sitent pas \u00e0 accuser les islamistes de vouloir opprimer les femmes. Un exemple \u00e9difiant est la Tunisie o\u00f9 le r\u00e9gime de Ben Ali, tout en confisquant le droit \u00e9l\u00e9mentaire des femmes (comme des hommes) \u00e0 l\u2019auto-organisation et \u00e0 la libre parole, se vante d\u2019\u00eatre le garant des droits des femmes. Mais d\u00e9noncer l\u2019aspect \u201c\u00a0liberticide\u00a0\u201d de l\u2019islamisme vis-\u00e0-vis des femmes ne garantit pas un positionnement \u00e9mancipateur sur la question, et couvre parfois des manipulations. Il est d\u2019ailleurs significatif de voir aujourd\u2019hui les chancelleries occidentales qui, apr\u00e8s avoir longtemps critiqu\u00e9 le traitement moyennageux inflig\u00e9 par les Talibans aux femmes, mettent en sourdine cette question et pr\u00e9parent l\u2019\u201c\u00a0apr\u00e8s-talibans\u00a0\u201d avec l\u2019alliance du Nord et des talibans \u201c\u00a0mod\u00e9r\u00e9s\u00a0\u201d sans que les droits des femmes ne soient jamais \u00e9voqu\u00e9s.<\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
D\u2019autre part, il est simpliste de croire que le rapport de l\u2019islamisme aux femmes se r\u00e9duit \u00e0 la violence criminelle qui leur est inflig\u00e9e par les GIA ou aux discours haineux des fractions les plus radicales. Derri\u00e8re ce raccourci se cache une m\u00e9connaissance r\u00e9elle de la dynamique complexe qui alimente la contestation islamiste. Cette vision non seulement r\u00e9duit l\u2019islamisme \u00e0 son expression radicale minoritaire, mais surtout s\u2019obstine \u00e0 ignorer l\u2019adh\u00e9sion assum\u00e9e de milliers de femmes \u00e0 l\u2019islamisme. <\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
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Plusieurs \u00e9tudes men\u00e9es aupr\u00e8s de militantes islamistes r\u00e9v\u00e8lent la complexit\u00e9 de leur adh\u00e9sion \u00e0 l\u2019islamisme. Paradoxalement le port du voile, loin de signifier un \u201c\u00a0retour en arri\u00e8re\u00a0\u201d, peut \u00eatre v\u00e9cu par elles comme une affirmation de leur visibilit\u00e9 active dans l\u2019espace public et surtout d\u2019une auto-affirmation culturelle et identitaire. Le discours de ces femmes sur le voile ne renvoie pas seulement aux obligations de la charia, mais se conjugue tr\u00e8s souvent avec un d\u00e9sir de s\u2019imposer dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 peu encline \u00e0 int\u00e9grer et accepter les femmes en dehors de l\u2019espace priv\u00e9. D\u00e8s lors le voile est v\u00e9cu comme une protection, une sorte de \u201c\u00a0permis de sortie\u00a0\u201d pour d\u00e9jouer le regard des hommes et l\u2019autorit\u00e9 du p\u00e8re et du fr\u00e8re. Ce voile, objet de toutes les passions et support de toutes les diabolisations, est souvent v\u00e9cu par ces femmes comme une affirmation dans la fiert\u00e9 de leur diff\u00e9rence, comme une rupture assum\u00e9e et affich\u00e9e par rapport \u00e0 un ordre international dominant souvent senti comme \u201c\u00a0occidental\u00a0\u201d et \u201c\u00a0injuste\u00a0\u201d. <\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
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L\u2019autre paradoxe c\u2019est que l\u2019islamisme a \u00e9t\u00e9 visible surtout par ces femmes. C\u2019est \u00e0 travers le voile qu\u2019on a identifi\u00e9 les courants islamistes. Un voile qui est devenu de plus en plus pr\u00e9sent dans la ville et surtout dans les universit\u00e9s. C\u2019est d\u2019ailleurs ce m\u00eame voile qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 la cible symbolique de la r\u00e9pression subie par ces femmes de la part des r\u00e9gimes en place. Or, cette r\u00e9pression dont on parle peu ou pas du tout n\u2019a jamais mobilis\u00e9 les f\u00e9ministes la\u00efques.<\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
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Il ne faut pas cacher que des milliers de femmes islamistes, qui pourtant n\u2019ont jamais pr\u00f4n\u00e9 ou pratiqu\u00e9 le \u201c\u00a0terrorisme\u00a0\u201d, ont depuis des ann\u00e9es \u00e9t\u00e9 viol\u00e9es, tortur\u00e9es, priv\u00e9es de leur droit \u00e0 la citoyennet\u00e9, priv\u00e9es de leur droit de travailler\u00a0\u2026 dans l\u2019indiff\u00e9rence du mouvement d\u00e9mocratique, y compris dans un pays comme la Tunisie.<\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
L\u2019islamisme n\u2019est pas une \u201c\u00a0force occulte\u00a0\u201d d\u00e9fiant les lois de la sociologie. Il d\u00e9signe g\u00e9n\u00e9riquement des forces politiques qui certes se revendiquent toutes de l\u2019islam, mais selon des interpr\u00e9tations diff\u00e9rentes et sous des cieux diff\u00e9rents. Ainsi, l\u2019islamisme est pluriel, son r\u00e9f\u00e9rent commun n\u2019\u00e9limine pas l\u2019influence qu\u2019exerce sur lui son environnement social et politique national. Cette influence fait que la place occup\u00e9e par les femmes islamistes et le discours islamiste sur les femmes sont variables. Nadia Yacine, la porte-parole de la principale formation islamiste marocaine, ou les candidates iraniennes aux derni\u00e8res \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles, participent elles aussi de l\u2019islam politique, pourtant leur voile n\u2019est pas leur \u201c\u00a0\u00e9toile jaune\u00a0\u201d comme aime l\u2019affirmer une f\u00e9ministe alg\u00e9rienne.<\/o:p><\/span><\/p>\n
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Olfa Lamloum<\/o:p><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
doctorante en sciences politiques<\/o:p><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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UN ARTICLE INTERESSANT TIRE DU DOSSIER CONSACRE PAR LE 5\u00e9me NUMERO DE\u00a0 <\/span>L\u2019E-MAG \u00ab\u00a0ALTERNATIVES-CITOYENNES\u00a0\u00bb A L\u2019AVENIR DE LA REPUBLIQUE EN TUNISIE.<\/o:p><\/font><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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L\u2019UNIVERSITAIRE QUI L\u2019A ECRIT N\u2019A PAS DONNE SON NOM MAIS IL A LE MERITE DE LA PERTINENCE ET DE LA CLARTE.<\/font><\/p>\n
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http:\/\/www.alternatives-citoyennes.sgdg.org\/<\/a><\/font><\/span><\/b><\/div>\n
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La R\u00e9publique et les amendements constitutionnels<\/font><\/span> <\/span><\/span><\/strong><\/div>\n
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Au moment o\u00f9 l’on s’appr\u00eate \u00e0 annoncer une nouvelle atteinte \u00e0 la Constitution en vue de permettre la r\u00e9\u00e9lection du pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali, et o\u00f9 ceux qui s’opposent \u00e0 cette d\u00e9marche n’ont d’autre pr\u00e9occupation que de prouver l’existence de successeurs capables de prendre le relais, il nous a paru important de r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir \u00e0 ce que, gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 de nombreuses retouches, la Constitution tunisienne donnait comme pouvoir au pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique, pour d\u00e9terminer si la priorit\u00e9 de l’heure est de r\u00e9fl\u00e9chir \u00e0 la r\u00e9habilitation de la R\u00e9publique, par un r\u00e9\u00e9quilibrage des pouvoirs, ou bien s’il faut envisager de simples changements d’hommes. <\/div>\n
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Depuis son adoption par l’Assembl\u00e9e nationale constituante en juin 1959, la Constitution tunisienne a connu 13 amendements plus ou moins importants, tant au niveau institutionnel que politique. L’ensemble des modifications a d\u00e9natur\u00e9 le texte initial. Seul le premier chapitre relatif aux \u00ab Dispositions g\u00e9n\u00e9rales \u00bb \u00e9tait relativement pr\u00e9serv\u00e9. D\u00e9j\u00e0 fragilis\u00e9e dans le \u00ab texte fondamental \u00bb original, la R\u00e9publique a subi une progressive d\u00e9composition, aussi bien sous l’impact des r\u00e9visions successives, que par une contre-nature r\u00e9publicaine de son fonctionnement : le parti unique instaur\u00e9 de fait depuis l’ind\u00e9pendance sans interruption significative. <\/div>\n
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Nous retiendrons trois grandes dates qui constituent, \u00e0 notre sens, les trois r\u00e9visions les plus d\u00e9cisives, qui ont permis au pouvoir en place depuis 1956 de remodeler, voire de d\u00e9naturer, le r\u00e9gime politique pr\u00e9sidentiel et sa forme r\u00e9publicaine. Tout d’abord, la r\u00e9vision du 8 f\u00e9vrier 1976, \u00e0 laquelle nous pouvons rattacher celle de 1975 accordant la pr\u00e9sidence \u00e0 vie \u00e0 l’ancien pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba, ensuite celle de 1988 intervenue quelques mois apr\u00e8s l’accession de l’actuel pr\u00e9sident au pouvoir le 7 novembre 1987, et enfin la derni\u00e8re, qui date du 27 octobre 1997. <\/div>\n
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En 1974 Bourguiba venait d’entamer un nouveau mandat pr\u00e9sidentiel apr\u00e8s avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9lu au suffrage universel direct, alors qu’il \u00e9tait candidat unique \u00e0 sa propre succession. La m\u00eame ann\u00e9e un projet de r\u00e9vision de la Constitution fut d\u00e9pos\u00e9 \u00e0 l’Assembl\u00e9e nationale, apportant un amendement permettant d’accorder au chef de l’\u00c9tat, en guise de remerciement et de reconnaissance, et \u00e0 titre exceptionnel, la pr\u00e9sidence \u00e0 vie. Le projet sera vot\u00e9 en deuxi\u00e8me lecture en 1975. <\/div>\n
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La R\u00e9publique, d\u00e9j\u00e0 souffrante sur le plan politique, entame, avec cette r\u00e9vision, un processus de d\u00e9mant\u00e8lement constitutionnel et institutionnel, qui allait se manifester de nouveau, quelques mois plus tard, le 8 f\u00e9vrier 1976. \u00c0 cette \u00e9poque le pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba affaibli par ses probl\u00e8mes de sant\u00e9, et surtout rassur\u00e9 par son nouveau statut constitutionnel de pr\u00e9sident \u00e0 vie, donne le feu vert \u00e0 une refonte spectaculaire de la Constitution. La r\u00e9forme permettait globalement au pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique de se d\u00e9charger de certaines de ses attributions sur le gouvernement, d’\u00e9tablir une r\u00e9partition plus souple des comp\u00e9tences au sein de l’ex\u00e9cutif et de changer la nature des rapports entre l’ex\u00e9cutif et le l\u00e9gislatif. Pour cela la moiti\u00e9 de la Constitution fut modifi\u00e9e. Les changements les plus int\u00e9ressants sont les suivants : <\/div>\n
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1- La \u00ab constitutionalisation \u00bb du gouvernement, qui ne faisait pas partie de la nomenclature constitutionnelle de l’\u00c9tat jusqu’\u00e0 cette date, avait permis une parlementarisation trompeuse du r\u00e9gime politique, en raison du monopole absolu accord\u00e9 au pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique en mati\u00e8re de nomination du Premier ministre, et quasi absolu en mati\u00e8re de nomination des autres membres du gouvernement. Une majorit\u00e9 parlementaire m\u00eame issue d’une hypoth\u00e9tique \u00e9lection l\u00e9gislative libre demeure inop\u00e9rante. L’ex\u00e9cutif, m\u00eame quand il est bic\u00e9phale, reste sous le contr\u00f4le infaillible du chef de l’\u00c9tat. <\/div>\n
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2- L’all\u00e9gement des charges constitutionnelles du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique avait permis d’\u00e9vacuer plusieurs comp\u00e9tences vers le gouvernement et surtout vers le Premier ministre, dans de multiples domaines. Il s’agit surtout de charger le gouvernement de la mise en oeuvre de la politique g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de l’\u00c9tat, et pour cela le Premier ministre s’est vu plac\u00e9 \u00e0 la t\u00eate de l’appareil administratif, b\u00e9n\u00e9ficiant en sus du monopole de la force publique. Par ailleurs, Le Premier ministre va se voir attribuer une comp\u00e9tence r\u00e9glementaire par voie de d\u00e9l\u00e9gation, il va pouvoir suppl\u00e9er le pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique \u00e0 la pr\u00e9sidence du Conseil des ministres et contresigner les d\u00e9crets du chef de l’\u00c9tat avec le membre du gouvernement concern\u00e9. Le nouveau statut constitutionnel du Premier ministre le rapproche de celui d’un vice-pr\u00e9sident, surtout qu’il est d\u00e9sormais suppl\u00e9ant du pr\u00e9sident en cas d’emp\u00eachement provisoire, et l’article 57 en fait m\u00eame le successeur automatique en cas de vacance de la pr\u00e9sidence. <\/div>\n
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3- La responsabilit\u00e9 politique de l’ex\u00e9cutif devant le pouvoir l\u00e9gislatif devrait, en th\u00e9orie, permettre au Parlement de contraindre le gouvernement \u00e0 d\u00e9missionner en votant une motion de censure. Via un m\u00e9canisme assez compliqu\u00e9 techniquement, voire utopique politiquement, il est m\u00eame capable de renverser le pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. Le pr\u00e9sident d\u00e9tenait en contrepartie le pouvoir de dissoudre la Chambre des d\u00e9put\u00e9s. La r\u00e9vision de 1976 ressemblait alors \u00e0 un r\u00e9am\u00e9nagement interne et \u00e0 une simple \u00ab constitutionalisation \u00bb de multiples usages impos\u00e9s par l’\u00e9mergence d’une seconde figure \u00e0 la t\u00eate de l’\u00c9tat, celle de l’ex-Premier ministre H\u00e9di Nouira. M\u00eame si le pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique a d\u00fb approuver cette nouvelle donne, il a sauvegard\u00e9 par ailleurs l’essentiel des pouvoirs, et il est rest\u00e9 l’axe fondamental du r\u00e9gime politique pr\u00e9sidentiel que les constitutionnalistes qualifiaient d\u00e9j\u00e0 de \u00ab pr\u00e9sidentialiste \u00bb. Ainsi, en s’appuyant sur des pouvoirs constitutionnels excessivement larges, sur un l\u00e9gislatif coop\u00e9rant et domin\u00e9, sur un pouvoir judiciaire enti\u00e8rement d\u00e9pendant et sur un pervers syst\u00e8me de parti unique, le r\u00e9gime a pu se maintenir jusqu’en 1987. <\/div>\n
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Le 7 novembre 1987 le peuple tunisien s’est r\u00e9veill\u00e9 sur une nouvelle \u00ab \u00e8re r\u00e9publicaine \u00bb. En annon\u00e7ant, dans sa fameuse d\u00e9claration de destitution de Bourguiba, l’abolition de la pr\u00e9sidence \u00e0 vie, le nouveau pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique ne s’est pour autant pas d\u00e9marqu\u00e9 de l’ancien r\u00e9gime, il s’est pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 au contraire comme son l\u00e9gitime h\u00e9ritier. L’abolition de la pr\u00e9sidence \u00e0 vie ouvrait certainement la voie \u00e0 un sauvetage in extremis de la R\u00e9publique, mais ceci n’\u00e9tait certainement pas suffisant, une t\u00e2che ardue attendait le pouvoir en place. Des th\u00e8mes comme la concentration et le d\u00e9s\u00e9quilibre des pouvoirs constitutionnels, la d\u00e9pendance de la justice, l’imbrication de l’appareil de l’\u00c9tat et celui du parti au pouvoir, l’absence de transparence administrative et financi\u00e8re, les violations syst\u00e9matiques des libert\u00e9s publiques et individuelles, l’absence des conditions \u00e9l\u00e9mentaires d’une alternance politique durable et irr\u00e9versible, mena\u00e7aient s\u00e9rieusement la survie du mod\u00e8le r\u00e9publicain choisi en 1957. <\/div>\n
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En deux temps, tous les espoirs vont se dissiper. D’abord en 1988 \u00e0 travers une r\u00e9vision en profondeur de la Constitution, qui allait accentuer le d\u00e9s\u00e9quilibre institutionnel en faveur du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique au d\u00e9triment du gouvernement. Ensuite en 1997, \u00e0 travers une autre r\u00e9vision qui \u00e9tait anim\u00e9e cette fois par le souci de renforcer la position constitutionnelle du chef de l’\u00c9tat au d\u00e9triment du pouvoir l\u00e9gislatif. Le pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali a pu ainsi r\u00e9cup\u00e9rer tous les pouvoirs conc\u00e9d\u00e9s par Bourguiba en 1976 et les a m\u00eame renforc\u00e9s spectaculairement. Nous allons nous arr\u00eater sur ces deux moments-cl\u00e9 de l’histoire de la \u00ab R\u00e9publique \u00bb. <\/div>\n
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En 1988 plusieurs dispositions sont ins\u00e9r\u00e9es dans la Constitution, visant le renforcement du statut et des attributions du pr\u00e9sident et sa stabilisation face \u00e0 son \u00ab propre \u00bb gouvernement : <\/div>\n
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1- L’abolition de la pr\u00e9sidence \u00e0 vie n’avait, contrairement aux apparences, aucun impact technique sur le sauvetage urgent de la R\u00e9publique : \u00e9tant accord\u00e9e en termes exclusifs et nominatifs au pr\u00e9sident Bourguiba, elle est devenue automatiquement caduque par le simple fait de sa destitution en 1987. <\/div>\n
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2- La puissance du statut constitutionnel et politique du Premier ministre, issue des textes et des vides laiss\u00e9s par l’ancien pr\u00e9sident, devrait dispara\u00eetre au profit du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. D’abord par l’\u00e9limination de la succession automatique en cas de vacance de la pr\u00e9sidence. L’institution fut remplac\u00e9e par un syst\u00e8me d’int\u00e9rim provisoire assur\u00e9 pour une dur\u00e9e maximale de 60 jours par le pr\u00e9sident de la Chambre des d\u00e9put\u00e9s. Celui-ci est charg\u00e9 uniquement de la pr\u00e9paration des nouvelles \u00e9lections, auxquelles il ne pourrait pas se porter candidat. Ainsi l’\u00e9viction du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique en place, surtout pour motif d’incapacit\u00e9 totale, devient constitutionnellement inexploitable et donc politiquement ing\u00e9rable, ce qui interdit la r\u00e9\u00e9dition du 7 novembre 1987. <\/div>\n
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Ensuite, le r\u00e9gime de la responsabilit\u00e9 politique de l’ex\u00e9cutif devant le parlement allait \u00eatre red\u00e9fini. La motion de censure, introduite pour la premi\u00e8re fois en 1976, permettait dans une logique parlementaire au pouvoir l\u00e9gislatif de contr\u00f4ler, voir sanctionner l’ex\u00e9cutif tout entier, lui-m\u00eame charg\u00e9 de la d\u00e9finition et de la mise en oeuvre de la politique g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de l’\u00c9tat. La motion de censure pouvait, dans cette perspective, atteindre le sommet de l’\u00c9tat, la raison en est \u00e9vidente : le pr\u00e9sident fixe les orientations et les choix politiques fondamentaux du pays, il en est donc responsable devant le Parlement, le gouvernement est charg\u00e9 de la mise en oeuvre de cette politique et en assume donc la responsabilit\u00e9. Le r\u00e9gime de la responsabilit\u00e9 politique, bien que copi\u00e9 sur le mod\u00e8le parlementaire et parachut\u00e9 dans une Constitution pr\u00e9sidentialiste, \u00e9tait dans l’ensemble \u00e9quilibr\u00e9, et donc, virtuellement, mena\u00e7ant. <\/div>\n
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La r\u00e9vision de 1988, ordonn\u00e9e par le pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali, consistait en la mati\u00e8re \u00e0 \u00e9carter tous les risques qui pourraient peser sur le chef de l’\u00c9tat en exposant le gouvernement seul devant le Parlement. La motion de censure ne devrait plus atteindre le sommet de l’\u00c9tat, d\u00e9sormais d\u00e9responsabilis\u00e9 devant le l\u00e9gislatif. Une fois vot\u00e9e \u00e0 la majorit\u00e9 renforc\u00e9e des deux tiers, celle-ci provoque la d\u00e9mission du gouvernement. Une seconde motion ne provoque plus la d\u00e9mission du pr\u00e9sident, mais ouvre seulement devant ce dernier une option discr\u00e9tionnaire : la dissolution de la chambre ou une nouvelle d\u00e9mission du gouvernement. Cela pr\u00e9sume que le gouvernement est devenu le seul charg\u00e9 de d\u00e9terminer et de g\u00e9rer les affaires de l’\u00c9tat, \u00e9tant donn\u00e9 qu’il en est d\u00e9sormais le seul responsable. Il n’en est rien, c’est toujours le pr\u00e9sident, et plus que jamais, qui \u00e9labore les choix politiques fondamentaux. <\/div>\n
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Moralit\u00e9 : le gouvernement est devenu seul responsable d’une politique qui n’est pas la sienne. Ce mod\u00e8le de responsabilit\u00e9 est particulier \u00e0 la Tunisie, il s’agit d’une curiosit\u00e9 constitutionnelle rarissime, d’autant plus que le texte de l’article 62 de la Constitution ne permet au Parlement d’affronter le gouvernement, et de censurer son action, que dans la mesure o\u00f9 ce dernier sort du cadre de la politique fix\u00e9e par le pr\u00e9sident. La Constitution fait \u00e9trangement du pouvoir l\u00e9gislatif un gardien de la politique du pr\u00e9sident contre un gouvernement souverainement d\u00e9sign\u00e9 par le chef de l’ex\u00e9cutif ! <\/div>\n
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3- L’aspect le plus important de la r\u00e9forme de 1988 visait \u00e0 r\u00e9cup\u00e9rer certaines comp\u00e9tences conc\u00e9d\u00e9es en 1976 au profit du Premier ministre, ainsi l’article 60 a disparu et du coup le Premier ministre perd la direction de l’appareil administratif de l’\u00c9tat et de la force publique, plac\u00e9s d\u00e9sormais sous la direction directe et personnelle du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. Ce qui n’est pas sans cons\u00e9quences sur la balance des pouvoirs institutionnels \u00e0 l’int\u00e9rieur m\u00eame du pouvoir ex\u00e9cutif. Dans la r\u00e9vision de 1988 il n’y avait rien de concr\u00e8tement positif dans le sens de la R\u00e9publique, encore une fois le pouvoir semble pr\u00e9occup\u00e9 par le r\u00e9am\u00e9nagement interne de ses rouages et par le souci de consolider la position constitutionnelle de son pr\u00e9sident. La nouvelle donne constitutionnelle a encore contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 engraisser les attributions du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique et \u00e0 concentrer les pouvoirs entre ses mains. Le principe de s\u00e9paration des pouvoirs proclam\u00e9 dans le Pr\u00e9ambule de la Constitution n’est plus qu’une p\u00e9tition de principe. <\/div>\n
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Le 27 octobre 1997, la r\u00e9vision relan\u00e7ait le processus, en ciblant cette fois le pouvoir l\u00e9gislatif. Nous retiendrons de cet amendement deux \u00e9l\u00e9ments fondamentaux : d’abord, l’assignation du domaine d’intervention l\u00e9gislative du Parlement. Ensuite l’\u00e9largissement soudain et particulier du domaine du r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum. <\/div>\n
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Il s’agit pour le premier aspect d’une red\u00e9finition radicale des limites de comp\u00e9tences entre le pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique et la Chambre des repr\u00e9sentants en mati\u00e8re d’\u00e9dictions des r\u00e8gles de droit. En voulant mimer le mod\u00e8le de la Constitution fran\u00e7aise et l’implanter dans un contexte politique manifestement diff\u00e9rent, on a r\u00e9serv\u00e9 une partie seulement du domaine de l’\u00e9diction des r\u00e8gles juridiques \u00e0 la Chambre des d\u00e9put\u00e9s, laissant au pr\u00e9sident, par la g\u00e9n\u00e9ralisation de son intervention par d\u00e9crets dans tous les autres domaines, la possibilit\u00e9 d’accaparer la comp\u00e9tence initiale, la comp\u00e9tence parlementaire devenant l’exception et celle du pr\u00e9sident la r\u00e8gle. Le nouvel article 35 a m\u00eame \u00e9labor\u00e9 un syst\u00e8me de protection du domaine r\u00e9glementaire du pr\u00e9sident : le Conseil constitutionnel, jusqu’alors organe simplement consultatif a d\u00e9sormais, \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 de son r\u00f4le consultatif, pour unique comp\u00e9tence d\u00e9cisionnelle celle de sanctionner toute initiative parlementaire qui empi\u00e9terait sur le domaine pr\u00e9sidentiel. Le domaine l\u00e9gislatif reste, quant \u00e0 lui, sans protection, car la loi interdit tout recours direct contre les d\u00e9crets r\u00e9glementaires du pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Le r\u00e9sultat est paradoxal : les lois, actes l\u00e9gislatifs et expression de la volont\u00e9 g\u00e9n\u00e9rale sont contestables, alors que les d\u00e9crets, simples actes administratifs, sont immunis\u00e9s. La technique du r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum, absente dans le texte initial de la Constitution, avait fait une apparition timide en 1976. Ben Ali a ordonn\u00e9 en 1997 l’extension de son domaine. \u00c0 cot\u00e9 du r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum pr\u00e9vu pour la ratification de certains Trait\u00e9s internationaux, le domaine du r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum l\u00e9gislatif s’est \u00e9largi en m\u00eame temps qu’on a pu voir appara\u00eetre, pour la premi\u00e8re fois dans la Constitution tunisienne, la technique du r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum constitutionnel et consultatif. Cet arsenal constitutionnel pr\u00e9ventif semble d\u00e9mesur\u00e9 si l’on sait qu’en pratique, il n’y a jamais eu de r\u00e9f\u00e9rendum en Tunisie. L’avenir proche nous montrera si le premier recours \u00e0 cette arme \u00e0 double tranchant servira ou non \u00e0 enterrer d\u00e9finitivement la R\u00e9publique. Aujourd’hui, le d\u00e9s\u00e9quilibre institutionnel des pouvoirs atteint dans la Constitution tunisienne un degr\u00e9 tel que nous pouvons nous demander si nous somme encore dans un syst\u00e8me de s\u00e9paration de pouvoirs et de libert\u00e9 et donc de Constitution. <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Que reste-t-il d’une R\u00e9publique dans un r\u00e9gime de non-Constitution ? <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
1- Un texte d\u00e9s\u00e9quilibr\u00e9, sans cesse manipul\u00e9, pour justifier en droit le culte de la personne ; <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
2- Un ex\u00e9cutif surpuissant coiff\u00e9 par un pr\u00e9sident dominant qui b\u00e9n\u00e9ficie d’un ensemble de pr\u00e9rogatives constitutionnelles lui permettant de r\u00e9gner, sans \u00e9gal et sans partage ; <\/div>\n
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3- Un l\u00e9gislatif fragilis\u00e9 dans son statut, son domaine de comp\u00e9tences privil\u00e9gi\u00e9 et \u00e9touff\u00e9 par un r\u00e9gime de parti unique de fait ; <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
4- Des contres pouvoirs (partis politiques, associations, ONG, m\u00e9dias, …), encha\u00een\u00e9s et \u00e0 d\u00e9faut pers\u00e9cut\u00e9s , <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
5- Des libert\u00e9s limit\u00e9es, r\u00e9glement\u00e9es par des lois dont la constitutionnalit\u00e9 est souvent douteuse (loi sur les associations, Code de la presse, loi sur les partis politiques, …) ; <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
6- Un appareil administratif partial parfaitement dompt\u00e9, au service du parti au pouvoir ; <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
7- L’absence, durant 42 ans d’ind\u00e9pendance, d’une seule opportunit\u00e9 \u00e9lectorale l\u00e9gale, libre et d\u00e9mocratique. <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Pour la beaut\u00e9 magique du chiffre sept, je d\u00e9cide de m’arr\u00eater l\u00e0. <\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Un universitaire
Tunis<\/strong><\/div>\n
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UN JEUNE TUNISIEN S\u2019ADRESSE AUX AMIS INTERNAUTES POUR SAVOIR COMMENT FAIRE LES ABLUTIONS\u00a0!!!!<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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MAIS QUE FAIT LE MINSTERE DES \u00ab\u00a0AFFAIRES\u00a0\u00bbRELIGIEUSES DANS NOTRE PAYS\u00a0??<\/font><\/h5>\n
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Apprendre \u00e0 faire les prieres<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n
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<\/font>Bonjour
Je voudrais savoir quelles sont les \u00e9tapes pour \u00ab\u00a0Al woudhou\u00a0\u00bb pour faires les prires ensuite les etapes de la pri\u00e8re elle meme
MErci<\/font><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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Post\u00e9 le 22\/11\/2001 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/font>[ <\/font>R\u00e9pondre au message<\/font><\/a> <\/font>]<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n
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LE BLOCAGE DE HOTMAIL EN TUNISIE SUSCITE UNE PROPOSITION GENIALE DE LA<\/font> PART DU SITE BALLOUCHI.COM<\/font><\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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Gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 ce petit menu d\u00e9roulant vous avez acc\u00e8s direct \u00e0 vos\u00a0 boites e-mail sur les serveurs de webmail les plus courants juste avec un simple clique!
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Notez bien que vous avez un acc\u00e8s \u00e0 vos comptes e-mail @planet.tn , @edunet.tn et tout autre POP e-mail… en choisissant \u00ab\u00a0Autres PoP mail\u00a0\u00bb.<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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EXTRAITS D\u2019UN ECHANGE ENTRE DEUX INTERNAUTES TUNISIENS SUR LE FORUM DU SITE perspectivestunisiennes.com<\/font> <\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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PROPOSITIONS<\/font><\/span><\/h5>\n
Envoy\u00e9 par tagazou le 11\/24\/2001\u00a0 <\/span><\/o:p><\/span><\/font><\/font><\/u><\/h6>\n
Depuis quelques semaines, du temps et de l’\u00e9nergie sont gaspilles en insultes vaines sur ce forum. A la lecture de certains messages, on s’aper\u00e7oit que la tournure des \u00e9changes cantonne certains dans des positions outr\u00e9es qui n’expriment pas au fond leur v\u00e9ritable pens\u00e9e. Je propose \u00e0 tous ceux qui visitent ce forum de s’exprimer clairement sur ces questions afin qu’on puisse avancer :<\/p>\n
1- y a-t-il de l’abus de la part du pouvoir en place ? Si oui, que doit-il faire pour que la confiance revienne ?
2- l’opposition \u00ab\u00a0l\u00e9gale\u00a0\u00bb a-t-elle perdu sa raison d’\u00eatre \u00e0 force de coller aux positions du pouvoir ? Si oui que doit elle faire pour se sortir de cette situation ?
3- l’opposition \u00ab\u00a0ill\u00e9gale\u00a0\u00bb (hormis les islamistes) a elle le droit a la l\u00e9galit\u00e9 ? Et si oui la balle est-elle dans son camp ou dans celui du r\u00e9gime ?
4- les islamistes d’Ennahdha ont-il le droit de participer \u00e0 la vie politique du pays ?<\/p>\n
Chacune de ces questions, si elle est approfondie pourrait nous occuper pendant un certain temps. D’autres questions pourraient appara\u00eetre en cours de discussion. Alors \u00ab\u00a0Hasni\u00a0\u00bb, \u00ab\u00a0NCH\u00a0\u00bb, \u00ab\u00a0El Mazri\u00a0\u00bb et les autres a vos claviers et bon courage… le \u00ab\u00a0webmaster\u00a0\u00bb pourrait \u00e9galement se \u00ab\u00a0mouiller\u00a0\u00bb un peu et y participer.<\/p>\n
Cordialement,
Tagazou <\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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En r\u00e9ponse \u00e0<\/font> <\/span><\/b>Propositions …<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/font> Envoy\u00e9 par tagazou le 11\/24\/2001\u00a0voici ce qu\u2019a publi\u00e9 NCH le 11\/24\/2001<\/font><\/font>\u00a0<\/o:p><\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
1-\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/font><\/span>y a-t-il de l’abus de la part du pouvoir en place ? Si oui, que doit-il faire pour que la confiance revienne ?<\/p>\n
<\/font><\/span><\/b>Je ne pense sinc\u00e8rement pas qu’il y ait un abus particulier de la part du pouvoir en place.
Il y a des abus, comme dans tous les pays du monde qu’ils soient tr\u00e8s sous d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s ou tr\u00e8s avanc\u00e9s.<\/p>\n
Je pense que le d\u00e9faut majeur du pouvoir actuel, c’est sa tr\u00e8s mauvaise communication.<\/p>\n
C’est une communication a sens unique, ou il y a un exc\u00e8s d’informations uniquement positives et un refus du dialogue et de la critique.<\/p>\n
Lorsque nous savons que la formation de Ben Ali est une formation militaire, cela ne me choque pas particuli\u00e8rement.
De plus, c’est du au fait du RCD qui monopolise seul la sc\u00e8ne politique puisqu’il a acquit depuis l’ind\u00e9pendance un pouvoir qu’il n’est pas pr\u00eat de partager, d’autant que Ben Ali est arriv\u00e9 au pouvoir constitutionnellement et non d\u00e9mocratiquement, donc le RCD a tout fait pour le r\u00e9cup\u00e9rer dans son clan \u00e0 lui ce qui lui permet de garder son pouvoir.<\/p>\n
Ce m\u00eame RCD qu’on le veuille ou pas a le plus grand nombre d’adh\u00e9rents. Quel que soit ce nombre, il repr\u00e9sente une majorit\u00e9 l\u00e9gale, structur\u00e9e et organis\u00e9e.
Tant qu’il n’y aura pas d’\u00e9quivalent politique, le RCD fera comme il l’entend.<\/p>\n
Ben Ali a quand m\u00eame autoris\u00e9 plusieurs partis, mais la tradition d’une part et les pressions du RCD d’autre part, font que les gens n’y adh\u00e8rent pas.
Bien s\u00fbr tous ces facteurs ont fait que la confiance est rompue pour tous ceux qui n’adh\u00e8rent pas \u00e0 la politique du RCD.<\/p>\n
C’est pour cela que je pense que l’unique mani\u00e8re de r\u00e9installer la confiance est que Ben Ali d\u00e9missionne du RCD pour laisser le libre choix aux citoyens de choisir leur parti.<\/p>\n
Plus, Ben Ali gagnerai \u00e0 cr\u00e9er un nouveau parti pour installer une tradition d\u00e9mocratique.<\/p>\n
Il y aurait \u00e0 ce moment l\u00e0 le RCD et ses adh\u00e9rents, plut\u00f4t Socialiste et il faudrait un nouveau parti plut\u00f4t Lib\u00e9ral pour regrouper les autres et cr\u00e9er un \u00e9quilibre entre les deux tendances.
D’autant que nous avan\u00e7ons vers la mondialisation et que l’Etat se d\u00e9charge de plus en plus sur le secteur priv\u00e9 au niveau \u00e9conomique.
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<\/font>2- l’opposition \u00ab\u00a0l\u00e9gale\u00a0\u00bb a-t-elle perdu sa raison d’\u00eatre \u00e0 force de coller aux positions du pouvoir ? Si oui que doit elle faire pour se sortir de cette situation ?
<\/b>
L’opposition l\u00e9gale n’a pas perdu sa raison d’\u00eatre mais elle a perdu sa cr\u00e9dibilit\u00e9 \u00e0 force de coller au pouvoir.
Or elle colle au pouvoir parce qu’elle en d\u00e9pend financi\u00e8rement et que les adh\u00e9rents manquent pour financer et donner du pouvoir et de la cr\u00e9dibilit\u00e9 \u00e0 cette opposition.
C’est un cercle vicieux, raison pour laquelle je dis que Ben Ali devrait d\u00e9missionner du RCD.
Sans cela l’opposition l\u00e9gale n’a aucun r\u00f4le r\u00e9el que celui de confirmer la politique du RCD pour continuer d’exister en tant que structure l\u00e9gale en attendant de meilleurs jours et surtout plus de maturit\u00e9 politique chez le citoyen tunisien qui s’est trop habitu\u00e9 a \u00eatre assist\u00e9 et est n\u00e9gociateur n\u00e9.<\/p>\n
Or la patrie ne se n\u00e9gocie pas!!!!!
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<\/font>3- l’opposition \u00ab\u00a0illegale\u00a0\u00bb (hormis les islamistes) a elle le droit a la l\u00e9galit\u00e9 ? Et si oui la balle est-elle dans son camp ou dans celui du r\u00e9gime ?
<\/b>
Tout le monde a droit \u00e0 la l\u00e9galit\u00e9, a condition de la m\u00e9riter par un comportement citoyen mature et responsable.<\/p>\n
Personnellement, je constate que l’opposition ill\u00e9gale est tr\u00e8s indisciplin\u00e9e et elle ne m’inspire pas confiance.
La libert\u00e9 OUI
La d\u00e9mocratie OUI
Le respect des droits de l’homme OUI
Mais pas \u00e0 n’importe quel prix.
Quand je pense que Monsieur Ben Brick, auquel nous devons beaucoup sur le plan de la libert\u00e9 d’expression, pense se pr\u00e9senter en 2004 !!!!
Excusez-moi, mais \u00e7a devient le cirque.
Monsieur Hamma Hamami a m\u00eame dit sur El Moustakila que m\u00eame un ouvrier peut se pr\u00e9senter aux \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles.
Quant \u00e0 Monsieur Charfi, il traite les chefs d’Etats en place de dictateurs m\u00e9prisables et aspire \u00e0 leur respect.<\/p>\n
Non, mais on prend les citoyens de ce pays pour des d\u00e9biles ou quoi??<\/p>\n
Si les partis d’opposition l\u00e9gale n’arrivent pas \u00e0 avoir l’adh\u00e9rence n\u00e9cessaire pour devenir des contre poids politique, vous n’allez pas nous faire croire que l’opposition ill\u00e9gale d\u00e9tient une baguette magique.<\/p>\n
Tout ce qu’elle fait, c’est critiquer et appeler \u00e0 l’anarchie \u00e0 travers la cr\u00e9dibilit\u00e9 de journaux \u00e9trangers.<\/p>\n
Ce n’est pas tr\u00e8s s\u00e9rieux et encore moins patriotique.
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4- les islamistes d’Ennahdha ont-il le droit de participer \u00e0 la vie politique du pays ?
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Le droit ils l’ont bien s\u00fbr, et dans leur cas les adh\u00e9rents aussi.
Or les raisons de l’adh\u00e9sion sont fauss\u00e9es au d\u00e9part puisqu’ils se veulent \u00eatre les repr\u00e9sentant de la religion en tablant sur les croyances et l’ignorance des gens.
Or la religion n’est ni un programme politique, ni un programme \u00e9conomique.
La religion est un choix personnel duquel nous r\u00e9pondons devant Allah et pas devant les Hommes.<\/p>\n
Pour moi c’est la pire esp\u00e8ce. <\/o:p><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Fin de l\u2019\u00e9change entre messieurs TAGAZOU et NCH<\/font> <\/o:p><\/span><\/u><\/b><\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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DES AVOCATS EUROPEENS TIRENT LA SONNETTE D’ALARME!
UN MANIFESTE CLAIR CONTRE LE \u00ab\u00a0PRETEXTE\u00a0\u00bb ANTITERRORISTE DE BRUXELLES.<\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
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Le pr\u00e9texte antiterroriste de Bruxelles, par un collectif d’avocats europ\u00e9ens<\/b><\/font><\/h6>\n
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Mercredi 14 novembre 2001<\/font>
(LE MONDE)<\/font><\/i><\/div>\n
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Les droits d\u00e9mocratiques ne doivent pas devenir les dommages collat\u00e9raux de la guerre contre le terrorisme. La Commission europ\u00e9enne a pr\u00e9par\u00e9 un projet de d\u00e9cision-cadre relative \u00e0 la lutte contre le terrorisme. Ce projet tend \u00e0 unifier les l\u00e9gislations des Etats membres, tant en ce qui concerne la d\u00e9finition du terrorisme que des peines impos\u00e9es.<\/font><\/p>\n
Le projet est pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 comme une r\u00e9action aux attentats de New York et de Washington. Pourtant, dans l’\u00e9tat actuel de la l\u00e9gislation, les auteurs d’attentats similaires ne pourraient rester impunis dans aucun pays europ\u00e9en. En effet, les l\u00e9gislations des Etats de l’Union europ\u00e9enne permettent de sanctionner par les peines les plus s\u00e9v\u00e8res la participation, de quelque fa\u00e7on que ce soit, \u00e0 ce genre d’attentats, que les Etats membres se soient dot\u00e9s ou non d’une l\u00e9gislation sp\u00e9cifique antiterroriste.<\/font><\/p>\n
La nouvelle l\u00e9gislation propos\u00e9e par la d\u00e9cision-cadre du Conseil n’ajouterait d\u00e8s lors aucune \u00ab\u00a0plus-value\u00a0\u00bb \u00e0 l’arsenal l\u00e9gal qui permet de combattre des actions de cette nature.<\/font><\/p>\n
En revanche, la d\u00e9finition unifi\u00e9e propos\u00e9e par la Commission est \u00e0 ce point large qu’elle permettrait de criminaliser et de qualifier de \u00ab\u00a0terroriste\u00a0\u00bb<\/i>toute forme de lutte sociale.<\/font><\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0La capture illicite d’infrastructures en vue de porter gravement atteinte aux structures sociales ou \u00e9conomiques\u00a0\u00bb<\/i>, vis\u00e9e par la d\u00e9finition, permettrait de qualifier de terroriste tout acte d’occupation de lieux publics ou d’entreprise. La \u00ab\u00a0perturbation de l’approvisionnement en eau et \u00e9lectricit\u00e9 et toute autre ressource naturelle fondamentale\u00a0\u00bb<\/i> r\u00e9duirait \u00e0 du terrorisme une action sociale chez les travailleurs de ces secteurs. La simple appartenance \u00e0 une association structur\u00e9e qui appellerait \u00e0 de telles actions est \u00e9galement \u00e9rig\u00e9e en action terroriste.<\/font><\/p>\n
En outre, l’\u00ab\u00a0encouragement\u00a0\u00bb<\/i>\u00e0 ces actions par un individu ou par un groupe deviendrait un d\u00e9lit passible de sept ans d’emprisonnement. C’est le retour au \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9lit d’opinion\u00a0\u00bb<\/i>.<\/font><\/p>\n
La libert\u00e9 d’association, le droit de gr\u00e8ve, la libert\u00e9 d’expression, sont donc gravement menac\u00e9s par ce projet.<\/font><\/p>\n
En outre, ce genre de l\u00e9gislation est suivi in\u00e9vitablement par l’introduction de r\u00e8gles de proc\u00e9dure exceptionnelles, que ce soit l’instauration de juridictions sp\u00e9ciales ou l’extension du d\u00e9lai de la garde \u00e0 vue, qui aboutissent \u00e0 privil\u00e9gier l’aveu sur la preuve.<\/font><\/p>\n
La d\u00e9cision-cadre veut s’inscrire dans une logique de \u00ab\u00a0guerre contre le terrorisme\u00a0\u00bb<\/i>. En r\u00e9alit\u00e9, cette l\u00e9gislation antiterroriste unifi\u00e9e deviendrait une v\u00e9ritable machine de guerre contre des droits d\u00e9mocratiques fondamentaux et contre ceux qui, pour diverses raisons, se trouveraient \u00ab\u00a0en opposition\u00a0\u00bb avec un syst\u00e8me \u00e9conomique, politique et social de plus en plus \u00ab\u00a0mondialis\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb et injuste.<\/font><\/p>\n
Les soussign\u00e9s appellent les forces soucieuses de la d\u00e9fense des droits d\u00e9mocratiques \u00e0 s’opposer \u00e0 cette d\u00e9cision-cadre de la Commission qui est contraignante pour les Etats membres.<\/font><\/p>\n
Ils demandent aux instances europ\u00e9ennes et au Parlement europ\u00e9en d’emp\u00eacher la mise en place de ce projet liberticide.<\/font><\/p>\n
Cet appel europ\u00e9en a \u00e9t\u00e9 sign\u00e9, \u00e0 la date du 13\u00a0novembre, par soixante-dix avocats, magistrats, professeurs de droit.<\/font><\/i><\/p>\n
Parmi eux\u00a0<\/i>: <\/font><\/p>\n
Georges-Henri Beauthier, Maria Cesoni, C\u00e9cile Draps, Paul Ponsaers <\/strong>(Belgique)<\/i>\u00a0; Patrick Baudouin, William Bourdon, Antoine Comte, Sabine Mariette, Myl\u00e8ne Stambouli <\/b>(France)<\/i>\u00a0; Gareth Peirce, Michael Mansfield, John Wadham <\/b>(Grande-Bretagne)<\/i>\u00a0; Chrisje Brants, Ulli Jessurun d’Oliveira, Ties Prakken <\/b>(Hollande)<\/i>\u00a0; Patrick Mc Entee, Garrett Sheehan <\/b>(Irlande)<\/i>\u00a0; Riccardo Ferrari, Antonio Lerici, Alessandra Ricciardi <\/b>(Italie)<\/i>.<\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n
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Liste publi\u00e9e gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 l’aide exquise de l’association :<\/b><\/font> <\/div>\n
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Freedoms Friends\u00a0 FrihetsV\u0646nner F\u0650reningen\u00a0 Box 62 127 22 Sk\u0646rholmen\u00a0 Sweden
Tel\/:(46) 8- 4648308\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0<\/p>\n
Fax:(46) 8 464 83 21<\/font><\/h6>\n
\u00a0 <\/font>\u00a0e-mail: fvf@swipnet.se<\/a><\/b><\/font><\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n
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H\u00e4mta MSN Explorer kostnadsfritt p\u00e5http:\/\/explorer.msn.com <\/a> To Subscribe send an email to:\u00a0 TUNISNEWS-subscribe@yahoogroups.com\u00a0To Unsubscribe send an email to:\u00a0 TUNISNEWS-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com\u00a0 URL to this page: http:\/\/www.groups.yahoo.com\/group\/TUNISNEWS<\/a> <\/p>\n
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Nr\u00a0556 du 25\/11\/2001<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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MAIS QUE FAIT LE MINSTERE DES \u00ab\u00a0AFFAIRES\u00a0\u00bbRELIGIEUSES DANS NOTRE PAYS\u00a0??<\/font><\/h5>\n
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\u00a0> Accueil<\/a>\u00a0 > mail <\/h5>\n<\/td>\n

Nr\u00a0556 du 25\/11\/2001<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n\nConsulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/font><\/tt><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n<\/font><\/tt><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

MAIS QUE FAIT LE MINSTERE DES \u00ab\u00a0AFFAIRES\u00a0\u00bbRELIGIEUSES DANS NOTRE PAYS\u00a0??<\/font><\/h5>\n<\/strong> <\/span><\/font><\/div>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n

\u00a0> Accueil<\/a>\u00a0 > mail <\/h5>\n<\/td>\n

Nr\u00a0556 du 25\/11\/2001<\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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Consulter les messages pr\u00e9c\u00e9dents ici<\/a><\/font><\/font><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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MAIS QUE FAIT LE MINSTERE DES \u00ab\u00a0AFFAIRES\u00a0\u00bbRELIGIEUSES DANS NOTRE PAYS\u00a0??<\/font><\/h5>\n
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