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TUNISNEWS<\/strong><\/span><\/span> <\/font> <\/font> <\/div>\n
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5 \u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0 1745 du 28.02.2005<\/font><\/span><\/strong><\/font><\/font><\/div>\n
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\u00a0archives : <\/font> www.tunisnews.net<\/font><\/a><\/blink><\/span><\/b> <\/font> <\/div>\n
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\u0627\u0644\u062a\u0643\u062a\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u062f\u064a\u0645\u0642\u0631\u0627\u0637\u064a \u0645\u0646 \u0623\u062c\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0645\u0644 \u0648 \u0627\u0644\u062d\u0631\u064a\u0627\u062a: \u0628\u064a\u0627\u0646 \u062d\u0648\u0644 \u062f\u0639\u0648\u0629 \u0634\u0627\u0631\u0648\u0646 \u0644\u0632\u064a\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n
\u062d\u0632\u0628 \u0627\u0644\u0628\u0639\u062b \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0631\u0628\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0627\u0634\u062a\u0631\u0627\u0643\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0642\u0637\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633\u064a: \u0646\u0631\u0641\u0636 \u0645\u0637\u0644\u0642\u0627 \u0623\u0646 \u062a\u062f\u0646\u0633 \u0623\u0642\u062f\u0627\u0645 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u062c\u0631\u0645 \u0634\u0627\u0631\u0648\u0646 \u0623\u0631\u0636 \u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633 \u0627\u0644\u0637\u0627\u0647\u0631\u0629<\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n
\u0627\u0644\u062c\u0632\u064a\u0631\u0629.\u0646\u062a : \u0628\u0639\u062f \u062f\u0639\u0648\u0629 \u0628\u0646 \u0639\u0644\u064a: \u0627\u0644\u0623\u0637\u064a\u0627\u0641 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u064a\u0627\u0633\u064a\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633\u064a\u0629 \u062a\u0631\u0641\u0636 \u0632\u064a\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0634\u0627\u0631\u0648\u0646<\/font><\/div>\n
\u00ab\u00a0\u0627\u0644\u0645\u0633\u0627\u062c\u064a\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u064a\u0627\u0633\u064a\u064a\u0646 \u0641\u064a \u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633: 13 \u0633\u0646\u0629 \u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u0638\u0644\u0645 \u0639\u0644\u0649 \u062e\u0644\u0641\u064a\u0629 \u0646\u0635\u0641 \u0642\u0631\u0646 \u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u0636\u0637\u0647\u0627\u062f\u00a0\u00bb (\u0627\u0644\u062d\u0644\u0642\u06295 )<\/font><\/div>\n
\u0645\u062d\u0645\u062f \u0639\u0640\u0628\u0640\u0651\u0648: \u0628\u0646 \u0639\u0644\u064a \u2013 \u0634\u0627\u0631\u0648\u0646, \u0628\u064a\u0646 \u0635\u0627\u0646\u0639 \u0635\u0628\u0631\u0627 \u0648\u0634\u0627\u062a\u064a\u0644\u0627 \u0648\u0635\u0627\u0646\u0639 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u063a\u064a\u064a\u0631<\/font><\/font> <\/font><\/p>\n
\u062f.\u0645\u0646\u0635\u0641 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0631\u0632\u0648\u0642\u064a: \u0623\u064a \u062a\u0648\u0642\u0639\u0627\u062a \u0644\u0645\u0633\u064a\u0631 \u0628\u0627\u062e\u0631\u0629 \u0628\u0644\u0627 \u0631\u0628\u0651\u0627\u0646 \u061f<\/font><\/h2>\n
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\u062f. \u0633\u0644\u064a\u0645 \u0628\u0646 \u062d\u0645\u064a\u062f\u0627\u0646: \u062f\u0648\u0644\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0642\u0627\u0646\u0648\u0646 \u0648\u062a\u062d\u062f\u064a\u0627\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0648\u0644\u0645\u0629<\/font><\/div>\n
\u0627\u0644\u0647\u0627\u062f\u064a \u0628\u0631\u064a\u0643 : \u0645\u0627\u0626\u0629 \u0645\u0635\u0628\u0627\u062d \u0645\u0646 \u0645\u0634\u0643\u0627\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0646\u0628\u0648\u0629 – \u0627\u0644\u062d\u0644\u0642\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0631\u0627\u0628\u0639\u0629 \u0648\u0627\u0644\u062b\u0645\u0627\u0646\u0648\u0646<\/font><\/div>\n
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CNLT: Sharon a sa place devant un tribunal international et non en Tunisie en tant qu’invit\u00e9<\/strong><\/div>\n
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Sami Ben Abdallah:\u00a0 Apr\u00e8s l\u2019annonce de la visite de Sharon des manifestations d\u2019\u00e9tudiants tournent aux confrontations avec la police<\/font><\/div>\n
D\u00e9claration des repr\u00e9sentants de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile tunisienne ind\u00e9pendante \u00e0 la prep com2 de Gen\u00e8ve<\/span><\/div>\n
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Texte int\u00e9gral du rapport du d\u00e9partement d ‘\u00e9tat sur la situation des droits de l’Hom me en Tunisie en 2004 <\/font><\/strong> <\/div>\n
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AP: Droits de l’Homme: les Etats-Unis accusent la Chine, la Syrie, l’Egypte, l’Iran et le Soudan<\/font><\/h2>\n
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AFP:\u00a0 Une association tunisienne nie l’existence de d\u00e9tenus politiques en Tunisie<\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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AFP: Rencontre de solidarit\u00e9 \u00e0 Tunis avec des journalistes d\u00e9tenus ou enlev\u00e9s<\/font><\/h2>\n
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AFP: Entretiens Tunisie-OLP sur les territoires palestiniens \u00e0 Tunis<\/font> <\/strong> <\/div>\n
Des Destouriens Democrates revelent et denoncent les derives de Ben Ali et de son systeme<\/span> Fathi Chamkhi: Flux et reflux du forum social tunisien<\/span><\/font> <\/strong><\/p>\n
AFP: Les pays arabes, sous pression US, subissent un effet domino d\u00e9mocratique<\/font><\/h2>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le Monde: L’administration Bush cr\u00e9dit\u00e9e de plusieurs succ\u00e8s<\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n
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Pour afficher les caract\u00e8res arabes\u00a0<\/font> suivre la d\u00e9marche suivante<\/font> : Affichage<\/font> \/ Codage<\/font> \/ Arabe ( Windows )<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n
To read arabic<\/font> text click on the View<\/font>\u00a0then Encoding <\/font>then <\/font> Arabic (Windows).<\/font><\/font><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0Conseil National pour les Libert\u00e9s en Tunisie<\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
Tunis le 26 f\u00e9vrier 2005<\/span><\/u><\/i><\/font><\/h6>\n
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Sharon a sa place devant un tribunal international et non en Tunisie en tant qu’invit\u00e9<\/font><\/p>\n
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Le vendredi 25 f\u00e9vrier, une d\u00e9p\u00eache de l’agence officielle TAP a confirm\u00e9 l’information, publi\u00e9e par le quotidien isra\u00e9lien Yediot Aharanot, de l’invitation officielle adress\u00e9e par Ben Ali au g\u00e9n\u00e9ral Ariel Sharon, \u00e0 se rendre en Tunisie \u00e0 l’occasion du Sommet mondial sur la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l’information (SMSI), qui sera organis\u00e9 \u00e0 Tunis en novembre 2005. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Le CNLT est profond\u00e9ment choqu\u00e9 par cette nouvelle et consid\u00e8re cet acte comme une provocation irresponsable de la part du pr\u00e9sident de la r\u00e9publique tunisienne \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
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En effet Le g\u00e9n\u00e9ral Sharon s’est rendu coupable de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanit\u00e9 sur le peuple palestinien, document\u00e9s par des ONG internationales de droits humains. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Durant l’exercice de son mandat \u00e0 la t\u00eate du gouvernement isra\u00e9lien, il a poursuivi la politique d\u2019occupation qui a pris un tour sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent en termes de souffrances inflig\u00e9es \u00e0 une population civile, et de politique s\u00e9gr\u00e9gationniste symbolis\u00e9e par l\u2019edification du mur de la honte et la multiplications des humiliations et des exactions dans les check points. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Il s’est appliqu\u00e9 \u00e0 pratiquer une politique de massacres contre des civils \u00e0 Jenine en 2002, rasant au buldozer les maisons et arrachant les oliviers, plusieurs milliers de maisons ont \u00e9t\u00e9 ainsi d\u00e9truites \u00e0 gaza durant son mandat, il s’est \u00e9galement illustr\u00e9 par\u00a0 les assassinats cibl\u00e9s sur la population civile palestinienne dans la bande de Gaza. \u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
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En tant qu’officier isra\u00e9lien et comme ministre de la d\u00e9fense, le G\u00e9n\u00e9ral Sharon a \u00e9t\u00e9 impliqu\u00e9 au premier degr\u00e9 dans des assassinats de civils, en infraction aux quatre conventions de Gen\u00e8ve et de crimes contre l’humanit\u00e9, entra\u00eenant la mort de milliers de civils palestiniens et libanais. Comme\u00a0 architecte de l’invasion du Liban en 1982, le G\u00e9n\u00e9ral Sharon a supervis\u00e9 le massacre plus de de 2.000 civils palestiniens dans les camps\u00a0 de Sabra et de Shatila. <\/span><\/p>\n
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En juin 2001, vingt huit victimes rescap\u00e9s de ces massacres ont engag\u00e9 contre lui des poursuites en Belgique; mais les pressions politiques ont finalement abouti \u00e0 l’irrecevabilit\u00e9 de cette plainte par les tribunaux belges qui avaient pourtant statu\u00e9 sur le g\u00e9nocide rwandais. <\/span> <\/p>\n
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Les avocats des plaignants avaient pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 dans le dossier des copies de rapports r\u00e9dig\u00e9s par les services secrets isra\u00e9liens concernant des pourparlers entre les dirigeants militaires isra\u00e9liens et ceux des milices chr\u00e9tiennes. Il en ressort que le Ministre de la D\u00e9fense de l’\u00e9poque, Ariel Sharon, insistait sur le \u00abnettoyage\u00bb des deux camps, et qu’apr\u00e8s les faits, il y a eu un arrangement entre g\u00e9n\u00e9raux isra\u00e9liens et repr\u00e9sentants des Phalangistes pour que ces derniers en assument l’enti\u00e8re responsabilit\u00e9… <\/span><\/p>\n
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Ces plaignants qui habitent toujours dans les camps – attendent toujours depuis plus de 20 ans justice pour ce crime contre l’humanit\u00e9. Le 16 d\u00e9cembre 1982, l’Assembl\u00e9e g\u00e9n\u00e9rale des Nations unies avait qualifi\u00e9 explicitement ce massacre de crime de g\u00e9nocide. Sabra et Shatila restent dans les annales comme une des pages les plus noires de l’histoire des atrocit\u00e9s d’apr\u00e8s-guerre, au m\u00eame titre que Srebrenica par exemple.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0 \u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le CNLT consid\u00e8re que le G\u00e9n\u00e9ral Sharon n’a pas sa place en Tunisie en tant qu’invit\u00e9 d’honneur, mais devant une tribunal p\u00e9nal international o\u00f9 il devrait r\u00e9pondre de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanit\u00e9.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le CNLT estime que cette invitation est un acte irrespectueux pour les sentiments profonds du peuple tunisien de la part de la pr\u00e9sidence de la r\u00e9publique tunisienne qui tourne ainsi le dos \u00e0 la tradition d’hospitalit\u00e9 envers le peuple palestinien dont il avait fait preuve apr\u00e8s le d\u00e9part des Palestiniens de Beyrouth en 1982.<\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le CNLT esp\u00e8re qu’il ne s’agit pas l\u00e0 de la part du r\u00e9gime de Ben Ali d’une r\u00e9action primaire \u00e0 un d\u00e9ficit de l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 internationale qu’il a affront\u00e9 \u00e0 l’\u00e9tape pr\u00e9paratoire du SMSI \u00e0 Gen\u00e8ve cette semaine, concernant sa gestion autoritaire en tant que pays h\u00f4te de la seconde phase du SMSI, et qu’il tente de compenser par une fuite en avant dans un alignement sur la politique de l’administration am\u00e9ricaine.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le CNLT appelle le gouvernement tunisien \u00e0 revenir sur cet acte irresponsable et lui demande instamment de le corriger pour que les Tunisiens ne soient pas expos\u00e9s \u00e0 un tel affront.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Pour le Conseil<\/span><\/p>\n
La porte parole<\/span><\/p>\n
Sihem Bensedrine<\/strong><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
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Tunisie\u00a0: <\/b><\/p>\n
Apr\u00e8s l\u2019annonce surprise de la visite du G\u00e9n\u00e9ral Ariel Sharon<\/font><\/b><\/p>\n
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des manifestations d\u2019\u00e9tudiants tournent aux confrontations avec la police<\/font><\/h2>\n
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Selon Lotfi Hammami, Secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de l\u2019UGET- France ainsi que diverses sources \u00e0 Tunis, \u00e0 l\u2019appel des mouvances politiques au sein de l\u2019universit\u00e9 tunisienne dont\u00a0 (UCJT,Union des Jeunes Communistes de Tunisie, les Nationalistes Arabes soutenus par l\u2019UGET l\u00e9gitime (SG Ali Flah, pr\u00e9sid\u00e9e par Jamal Tlili), des milliers d\u2019\u00e9tudiants ont manifest\u00e9 aux universit\u00e9s de la Manouba, 9 avril, Institut de presse, Institut Ibn Charaf, Campus et \u00e0 la \u00a0facult\u00e9 des Sciences de Tunis ainsi que des dizaines d\u2019autres universit\u00e9s telle que la facult\u00e9 des lettres \u00e0 Sfax.<\/p>\n
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Les manifestations\u00a0 d\u00e9clench\u00e9es aujourd\u2019hui 28.02.05 \u00e0 Sfax et \u00e0 la Manouba ont vu des affrontements avec la police. Les manifestants ont essay\u00e9 de sortir de l\u2019enceinte de l\u2019universit\u00e9, mais ont \u00e9t\u00e9 s\u00e9v\u00e8rement r\u00e9prim\u00e9s par la police. Il y aurait eu des dizaines de bless\u00e9s \u00e0 Sfax ainsi qu\u2019\u00e0 la Manouba.<\/p>\n
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L\u2019UGET a appel\u00e9 les \u00e9tudiants \u00e0 continuer la mobilisation dans toutes les universit\u00e9s, alors que le vendredi, \u00a0\u00e0 la bourse de travail, se d\u00e9roulera une r\u00e9union de toute urgence qui regroupera le PDP, le POCT, FDLT, CPR, ainsi que des militants de l\u2019UGTT et des personnalit\u00e9s de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile \u00a0afin de se mobiliser contre la visite du G\u00e9n\u00e9ral Ariel Sharon.<\/p>\n
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Sami Ben Abdallah<\/font> <\/font><\/b><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
* <\/font><\/span> \u0644\u0627 \u0644\u0644\u062a\u0637\u0628\u064a\u0639… \u0644\u0627 \u0644\u0644\u0645\u0642\u0627\u064a\u0636\u0629 \u0648\u0627\u0644\u062a\u0641\u0631\u064a\u0637 \u0641\u064a \u062b\u0648\u0627\u0628\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0634\u0639\u0628 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633\u064a<\/span>. <\/font><\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
* <\/font><\/span> \u0646\u0639\u0645 \u0644\u0645\u0646\u0627\u0647\u0636\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0635\u0647\u064a\u0648\u0646\u064a\u0629 \u0648\u0627\u0644\u0627\u0633\u062a\u0639\u0645\u0627\u0631<\/span>.<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u0643\u0627\u0646\u062a \u0623\u062d\u0643\u0627\u0645 \u0645\u062c\u0644\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0625\u062c\u0631\u0627\u0621\u0627\u062a \u0627\u0644\u062c\u0632\u0627\u0626\u064a\u0629 \u0635\u0631\u064a\u062d\u0629 \u0641\u064a \u0647\u0630\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0628\u0627\u0628 \u062c\u0627\u0621\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0625\u0646\u0627\u0628\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0643\u0645\u064a\u0644\u064a\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u064a \u0623\u0639\u0637\u0627\u0647\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u062d\u0642\u0651\u0642 \u0645\u0631\u0651\u0629 \u0623\u062e\u0631\u0649 \u0644\u0623\u0639\u0648\u0627\u0646 \u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0623\u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062f\u0648\u0644\u0629 \u0644\u062a\u064f\u0624\u0643\u0651\u062f \u0623\u0646\u0651 \u0647\u064a\u0645\u0646\u062a\u0647\u0627 \u0639\u0644\u0649 \u0627\u0644\u0623\u0628\u062d\u0627\u062b \u0648\u0633\u064a\u0631\u0647\u0627 \u062d\u0648\u0651\u0644\u062a \u062f\u0648\u0631 \u0642\u0627\u0636\u064a \u0627\u0644\u062a\u0651\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642\u00a0 \u0648\u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u062a\u0651\u0647\u0627\u0645 \u0625\u0644\u0649 \u062f\u0648\u0631 \u0634\u0643\u0644\u064a \u0644\u064a\u0633 \u0625\u0644\u0627 \u0625\u0630 \u0627\u062a\u0636\u062d \u0645\u0646 \u062e\u0644\u0627\u0644 \u0623\u0648\u0631\u0627\u0642 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0641 \u0623\u0646 \u0642\u0627\u0636\u064a \u0627\u0644\u062a\u062d\u0642\u064a\u0642 \u0642\u0627\u0645 \u062d\u0627\u0644 \u0625\u0631\u062c\u0627\u0639 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0641 \u0625\u0644\u064a\u0647 \u0628\u0625\u0639\u0637\u0627\u0621 \u0625\u0646\u0627\u0628\u0629 \u062a\u0643\u0645\u064a\u0644\u064a\u0651\u0629 \u0644\u0625\u062f\u0627\u0631\u0629 \u0623\u0645\u0646 \u0627\u0644\u062f\u0648\u0644\u0629(70). <\/font><\/span> <\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
2.8- \u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u062a\u0651\u0647\u0627\u0645 \u062a\u0646\u0638\u0631 \u0641\u064a \u0642\u0631\u0627\u0631\u064a \u062e\u062a\u0645 \u0627\u0644\u0628\u062d\u062b \u0641\u064a \u0646\u0641\u0633 \u0627\u0644\u064a\u0648\u0645!!!<\/font><\/u><\/span><\/h3>\n
\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u0628\u0639\u062f \u0623\u0646 \u0627\u0633\u062a\u0645\u0631\u0651\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0623\u0628\u062d\u0627\u062b \u0642\u0631\u0627\u0628\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0646\u062a\u064a\u0646\u060c \u0634\u0627\u0621\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0638\u0631\u0648\u0641 \u0623\u0646 \u064a\u0635\u062f\u0631 \u0642\u0631\u0627\u0631\u064a \u062e\u062a\u0645 \u0627\u0644\u0628\u062d\u062b \u0641\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0641\u064a\u0646 \u0639\u062f\u062f 2815 \u0648 3391 \u0641\u064a \u064a\u0648\u0645 \u0648\u0627\u062d\u062f \u0648 \u0630\u0644\u0643 \u064a\u0648\u0645 29\/05\/1992 \u0648\u0628\u0639\u062f \u0625\u062d\u0627\u0644\u062a\u0647\u0645\u0627 \u0639\u0644\u0649 \u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u062a\u0651\u0647\u0627\u0645 \u0628\u0645\u062d\u0643\u0645\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u0633\u062a\u0626\u0646\u0627\u0641 \u0628\u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633 \u0628\u0631\u0626\u0627\u0633\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u064a\u0651\u062f \u062d\u0633\u0646 \u0628\u0646 \u0641\u0644\u0627\u062d \u0648\u0628\u0639\u062f \u062a\u0644\u0642\u064a \u0645\u0644\u062d\u0648\u0638\u0627\u062a \u0627\u0644\u0646\u0651\u064a\u0627\u0628\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0645\u0648\u0645\u064a\u0651\u0629 \u0646\u0638\u0631\u062a \u0627\u0644\u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0630\u0643\u0648\u0631\u0629 \u0641\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0641\u064a\u0646 \u0641\u064a \u064a\u0648\u0645 \u0648\u0627\u062d\u062f \u0643\u0630\u0644\u0643 \u0648\u0647\u0648 \u064a\u0648\u0645 13\/06\/1992 \u0639\u0644\u0645\u0627 \u0648 \u0623\u0646\u0651 \u0627\u0644\u0641\u062a\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0632\u0651\u0645\u0646\u064a\u0651\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0641\u0627\u0635\u0644\u0629 \u0628\u064a\u0646 \u0635\u062f\u0648\u0631 \u0642\u0631\u0627\u0631\u064a \u062e\u062a\u0645 \u0627\u0644\u0628\u062d\u062b \u0648\u0642\u0631\u0627\u0631\u064a \u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0627\u062a\u0651\u0647\u0627\u0645 \u0644\u0627 \u064a\u062a\u062c\u0627\u0648\u0632 \u0627\u0644\u062b\u0644\u0627\u062b\u0629 \u0639\u0634\u0631 \u064a\u0648\u0645\u0627 \u0628\u0645\u0627 \u0641\u064a \u0630\u0644\u0643 \u0623\u064a\u0651\u0627\u0645\u00a0 \u0627\u0644\u0622\u062d\u0627\u062f \u0648 \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0637\u0644 \u0623\u0645\u0651\u0627 \u0643\u064a\u0641 \u062a\u0645\u0643\u0651\u0646\u062a \u0627\u0644\u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0630\u0643\u0648\u0631\u0629 \u0645\u0646 \u062f\u0631\u0627\u0633\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0641\u064a\u0646 \u0648 \u062a\u0641\u062d\u0651\u0635 \u0623\u0648\u0631\u0627\u0642\u0647\u0645\u0627 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u064a \u0644\u0627 \u062a\u062d\u0635\u0649 \u0648\u0644\u0627 \u062a\u0639\u062f\u0651 \u0641\u064a \u0645\u062b\u0644 \u0630\u0644\u0643 \u0627\u0644\u062d\u064a\u0632 \u0627\u0644\u0632\u0651\u0645\u0646\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0636\u064a\u0651\u0642 \u062c\u062f\u0651\u0627 \u0648\u0643\u064a\u0641 \u062a\u0648\u0635\u0651\u0644\u062a \u0625\u0644\u0649 \u0641\u0635\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u0641\u064a\u0646 \u0641\u064a \u064a\u0648\u0645 \u0648\u0627\u062d\u062f \u0645\u0639\u0627 \u0641\u0630\u0644\u0643 \u0645\u0645\u0651\u0627 \u0644\u0645 \u0646\u0639\u062b\u0631 \u0644\u0647 \u0639\u0644\u0649 \u062c\u0648\u0627\u0628 \u0648 \u0644\u0627 \u0646\u0638\u0646 \u0623\u062d\u062f\u0627 \u064a\u0639\u062b\u0631 \u0644\u0647 \u0639\u0644\u0649 \u062c\u0648\u0627\u0628.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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—————————————————————–<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
(68)\u00a0 \u0627\u0646\u0638\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0631\u062c\u0639 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0627\u0628\u0642 \u0645\u0644\u062d\u0642 (\u0642\u0631\u0627\u0631 \u062f\u0627\u0626\u0631\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u0625\u062a\u0647\u0627\u0645)<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
(69)\u00a0 \u0627\u0646\u0638\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0644\u062d\u0642 \u0635 117 (\u0625\u062d\u0627\u0644\u0629 \u062a\u0642\u0631\u064a\u0631)<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
(70)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> \u0627\u0646\u0638\u0631 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0631\u062c\u0639 \u0627\u0644\u0633\u0627\u0628\u0642 (\u0625\u0646\u0627\u0628\u0629 \u062a\u0643\u0645\u064a\u0644\u064a\u0629)<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
\u00a0 <\/font> <\/div>\n
\n<\/div>\n
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\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
D\u00e9claration des repr\u00e9sentants de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile tunisienne ind\u00e9pendante \u00e0 la prep com2 de Gen\u00e8ve<\/font><\/p>\n
<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
La d\u00e9l\u00e9gation de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile ind\u00e9pendante tunisienne participant \u00e0 la prep com2 du Sommet mondial des soci\u00e9t\u00e9s de l\u2019information (SMSI) qui s\u2019est tenue \u00e0 Gen\u00e8ve du 17 au 25 f\u00e9vrier 2005, se f\u00e9licite du niveau et de la qualit\u00e9 de participation de ses membres;<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Elle se f\u00e9licite \u00e9galement du Partenariat \u00e9tabli entre les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s civiles suisse et tunisienne ind\u00e9pendante pendant cette deuxi\u00e8me conf\u00e9rence pr\u00e9paratoire du Sommet mondial sur la Soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l’Information avec COMUNICA-CH, la plateforme suisse pour la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l’information. <\/span> <\/p>\n
La plateforme suisse s’est engag\u00e9e au terme de ce partenariat \u00e0 soutenir les ONG tunisiennes ind\u00e9pendantes\u00a0soulignant le fait que \u00ab\u00a0Puisque la libert\u00e9 d’expression, droit humain fondamental, n’est pas encore garantie en Tunisie, pays h\u00f4te du prochain Sommet mondial sur la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de l’Information… A chaque fois que des membres des organisations regroup\u00e9es dans la plateforme de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile tunisienne sont \u00e0 nouveau l’objet de r\u00e9pression de la part des autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes, COMUNICA-CH se tournera vers le secr\u00e9tariat ex\u00e9cutif du SMSI, la d\u00e9l\u00e9gation suisse au SMSI et celles de l’Union Europ\u00e9enne afin d’obtenir le respect par la Tunisie des valeurs fondamentales des droits de l’homme qui sont au coeur de la D\u00e9claration et du Plan d’Action approuv\u00e9s par le SMSI de Gen\u00e8ve.\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 La participation active de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile ind\u00e9pendante \u00e0 plusieurs \u00e9v\u00e9nements organis\u00e9s tant \u00e0 l\u2019ext\u00e9rieur de l\u2019enceinte du Palais des nations qu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur, se rapportant \u00e0 la d\u00e9gradation de l\u2019\u00e9tat des libert\u00e9s en Tunisie, a eu un impact certain sur le d\u00e9roulement de cette prep com2.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Les diff\u00e9rents groupes de travail du SMSI (Droits de l\u2019homme, Femmes, m\u00e9dias, gouvernance d\u2019Internet\u2026.etc.), ont tous insist\u00e9 sur la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de faire valoir les droits humains fondamentaux, l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9 des chances entre les hommes et les femmes, les droits \u00e9conomiques et sociaux des citoyens;\u00a0et sur le fait que les TIC doivent \u00eatre au service de la citoyennet\u00e9 et non couvrir son d\u00e9ni; <\/span><\/p>\n
L\u2019un des documents souligne que \u00ab\u00a0les pr\u00e9occupations de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 ne doivent pas servir de pr\u00e9texte pour limiter la libert\u00e9 d\u2019expression dans le cyber-espace. De m\u00eame, les consid\u00e9rations \u00ab\u00a0\u00e9thiques\u00a0\u00bb ne doivent pas devenir une mani\u00e8re voil\u00e9e de justifier la censure\u00a0\u2026L\u2019installation de syst\u00e8mes de filtrage doit r\u00e9sulter d\u2019un choix individuel et ne doit pas \u00eatre impos\u00e9e par les autorit\u00e9s.\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 C\u2019est \u00e0 des tribunaux ind\u00e9pendants qu\u2019il appartient de d\u00e9cider ce qui constitue un contenu ill\u00e9gal susceptible d\u2019\u00eatre puni.\u00bb Ils ont \u00e9galement interpell\u00e9 les Nations Unies sur les garanties offertes par la Tunisie au niveau de l\u2019organisation de la 2e phase du SMSI \u00e0 Tunis et ont formul\u00e9 leurs craintes de voir la Tunisie g\u00e9rer de fa\u00e7on autoritaire le Sommet de novembre 2005 et exig\u00e9 sur ce point des garanties concr\u00e8tes.<\/span><\/p>\n
Les repr\u00e9sentants de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile tunisienne ont r\u00e9affirm\u00e9 de leur c\u00f4t\u00e9 leurs revendications sp\u00e9cifiques \u00e0 savoir\u00a0:<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> La reconnaissance du droit \u00e0 l\u2019activit\u00e9 l\u00e9gale pour les associations ind\u00e9pendantes de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile, et du libre exercice de leurs activit\u00e9s en Tunisie et leur droit \u00e0 \u00eatre accr\u00e9dit\u00e9es sous leurs propres noms. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> La lev\u00e9e de toute forme de restriction au libre exercice du droit de r\u00e9union et le droit de disposer des ressources et des espaces publics pour les ONG ind\u00e9pendantes l\u00e9gales, incluant le droit de recevoir des fonds.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> La reconnaissance, pour tous les citoyens, de la libert\u00e9 d\u2019expression, incluant la libert\u00e9 de cr\u00e9er, publier et diffuser des journaux sur tous supports et d\u2019\u00e9mettre librement sur des radios et des TV. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> La lev\u00e9e de toute forme de censure sur l\u2019Internet et le respect de la libert\u00e9 de navigation selon les normes internationales.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> La lib\u00e9ration de toute personne emprisonn\u00e9e pour l\u2019exercice de son droit \u00e0 la libert\u00e9 d\u2019expression et d\u2019association et notamment de Hamadi Jebali, Jalel Zoghlami, des internautes de Zarzis et de l\u2019Ariana, ainsi que la lev\u00e9e de toute mesure administrative restreignant la libert\u00e9 de mouvement du journaliste Abdallah Zouari..<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00b7\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> <\/span> L\u2019assurance pour les organisations locales et internationales de d\u00e9fense des droits de l\u2019homme et autres organisations de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile ainsi que les m\u00e9dias locaux et internationaux de participer librement au Sommet de Tunis, de publier, diffuser ou distribuer des documents sans menaces de censure ou d\u2019intimidations. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Les repr\u00e9sentants de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile pr\u00e9sents \u00e0 Gen\u00e8ve \u00e0 cette prep-com2, se d\u00e9clarent mobilis\u00e9s pour faire aboutir ces revendications et pour s\u2019impliquer dans le processus pr\u00e9paratoire du SMSI sur cette base. Ils restent cependant vigilants sur la question de l\u2019effectivit\u00e9 des garanties offertes par les autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes pour une participation au sommet dans des conditions qui assurent le respect de la libert\u00e9 de mouvement et d\u2019expression de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile autonome tunisienne sans aucune discrimination ainsi que sur l\u2019urgence d\u2019\u00e9largir les prisonniers d\u2019opinion. Leur participation finale reste conditionn\u00e9e par l\u2019\u00e9valuation du degr\u00e9 de satisfaction de leurs revendications.<\/span>\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Les signataires:<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
ABDULLATIF FAKHFAKH (VA)<\/span><\/p>\n
AHMED GALAI (LTDH)<\/span><\/p>\n
ALI BENSALEM (ANAR)<\/span><\/p>\n
ESSIA BELHASSEN (ATFD)<\/span><\/p>\n
HABIB HAMDOUNI (AEL)<\/span><\/p>\n
JALEL MATRI (UTS)<\/span><\/p>\n
LARBI CHOUIKHA (LTDH)<\/span><\/p>\n
LOTFI HIDOURI (CNLT)<\/span><\/p>\n
LOTFI HAJJI (SJT)<\/span><\/p>\n
MAHMOUD DHAOUADI (SJT)<\/span><\/p>\n
MEHDI BEN HAMIDA (VA)<\/span><\/p>\n
MOHAMED BEN HENDA (UTS)<\/span><\/p>\n
MOHAMED TALBI (OLPEC)<\/span><\/p>\n
MOHSEN ROUABAH (UNI)<\/span><\/p>\n
MOKHTAR TRIFI (LTDH)<\/span><\/p>\n
MONCEF AMARI (VA)<\/span><\/p>\n
MOUNIR DABBOUR (UTS)<\/span><\/p>\n
NAZIHA RJIBA (OLPEC) <\/span><\/p>\n
NEJI MARZOUK (LTDH) <\/span><\/p>\n
NOUREDINE BENTICHA (CNLT) <\/span><\/p>\n
OMAR MESTIRI (CNLT) <\/span><\/p>\n
RACHID KHECHANA (LTDH) <\/span><\/p>\n
RADHIA NASRAOUI (ALTT) <\/span><\/p>\n
SAIDA HARRATHI (AISPP)<\/span><\/p>\n
SAFWA AISSA (VA)<\/span><\/p>\n
SAMI NASR (CNLT) <\/span><\/p>\n
SAMIR BEN AMOR (AISPP) <\/span><\/p>\n
SIHEM BENSEDRINE (CNLT) <\/span><\/p>\n
SOUHAYR BELHASSEN (LTDH) <\/span><\/p>\n
TAIEB MOALLA (CSIZ)<\/span><\/p>\n
TERESA CHOPIN (CSIZ)<\/span><\/p>\n
ZOUHAIR YAHYAOUI (TUNEZINE)<\/span><\/p>\n
<\/font> <\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
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<\/strong> <\/p>\n
Nouvelles de M. Abdallah Zouari<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
A.Z est sorti hier soir (Dimanche 27 f\u00e9vrier 2005, NDLR) de la clinique o\u00f9 il a pass\u00e9 deux jours, il va mieux , en attendant , comme promis , que les ONG s’occupent s\u00e9rieusement de son cas , il a suspendu sa gr\u00e9ve de la faim , si les choses ne s’am\u00e9liorent pas , il reprendra cette gr\u00e9ve avec les siens. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Le dispositif policier s’est all\u00e9g\u00e9, aujourd’hui il ne sont plus que trois ou quatre flics charg\u00e9s de sa surveillance. P.S.: si qq un connait monsieur <\/span>BRAHIM NAOUAR<\/font><\/u> ,si ce dernier me lit , pour monsieur A.Zouari qui a besoin de le contacter , qu’on me laisse ses coordonn\u00e9es sur mon MP ou sur mon mail :rtlibres@hotmail.com , ou qu’ on les t\u00e9l\u00e9phone \u00e0 monsieur Zouari directement au: 0021675685300<\/span><\/b><\/i><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Merci. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
(Source\u00a0: Info diffus\u00e9e par Nour El Houda sur le forum Taht Essour de nawaat.org , le 28 f\u00e9vrier 2005 \u00e0 12h10 p.m)<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
<\/font><\/span> <\/p>\n
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<\/font><\/span> <\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Droits de l’Homme: les Etats-Unis accusent la Chine, la Syrie, l’Egypte, l’Iran et le Soudan<\/font><\/p>\n
<\/strong> <\/p>\n
WASHINGTON (AP) – Washington montre du doigt T\u00e9h\u00e9ran, Damas, P\u00e9kin, Khartoum, Pyongyang mais aussi Le Caire. Le D\u00e9partement d’Etat am\u00e9ricain a publi\u00e9 lundi son rapport annuel sur les droits de l’Homme dans le monde, qui d\u00e9nonce la torture syst\u00e9matique en Syrie, de graves abus en Chine et le meurtre de civils par les milices arabes soutenues par le gouvernement soudanais au Darfour. L’Egypte, proche alli\u00e9 des Etats-Unis dans le processus de paix au Proche-Orient, est aussi \u00e9pingl\u00e9e pour des arrestations de masse et la torture de prisonniers par les forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9. La promesse du pr\u00e9sident Hosni Moubarak la semaine derni\u00e8re de mettre fin au syst\u00e8me du candidat unique \u00e0 la pr\u00e9sidentielle est arriv\u00e9e trop tard pour \u00eatre prise en compte par le rapport. Quant \u00e0 l’Iran, son \u00ab\u00a0pi\u00e8tre bilan en mati\u00e8re des droits de l’Homme s’est aggrav\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb, selon le rapport. Le rapport classe la Cor\u00e9e du Nord parmi les r\u00e9gimes les plus r\u00e9pressifs et violents du monde. Il estime qu’entre 150.000 et 200.000 personnes sont emprisonn\u00e9es dans des camps de d\u00e9tention dans des r\u00e9gions isol\u00e9es et les transfugent racontent que beaucoup ont succomb\u00e9 \u00e0 la torture, la maladie et la faim. Le rapport d\u00e9nonce \u00e9galement le bilan syrien, notant l’absence de d\u00e9mocratie et \u00ab\u00a0la persistance de graves abus dont l’usage de la torture en d\u00e9tention qui a parfois provoqu\u00e9 la mort\u00a0\u00bb, des proc\u00e8s non \u00e9quitables et des arrestations arbitraires. Dans le m\u00eame temps, le D\u00e9partement d’Etat voit toutefois des points positifs, comme la baisse des activit\u00e9s terroriste en Afghanistan depuis la chute du r\u00e9gime des talibans, la r\u00e9volution orange en Ukraine et ce que le rapport consid\u00e8re comme des perspectives de paix en Irak qui \u00ab\u00a0contribuent \u00e0 cr\u00e9er un \u00e9lan en faveur de l’am\u00e9lioration des pratiques en mati\u00e8re de droits de l’Homme\u00a0\u00bb. En Afrique du Nord, le D\u00e9partement d’Etat dresse un tableau mitig\u00e9 de la situation au Maroc, et juge mauvais les bilans libyen, alg\u00e9rien et tunisien. Le rapport souligne que le Maroc a organis\u00e9 des \u00e9lections libres, pris des mesures pour am\u00e9liorer le statut de la femme et la libert\u00e9 de la presse. Mais il note que l’autorit\u00e9 ultime repose entre les mains du roi Mohammed VI. Le rapport mentionne \u00e9galement les accusations lanc\u00e9es par l’organisation am\u00e9ricaine de d\u00e9fense des droits de l’Homme Human Rights Watch qui a d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 des cas de \u00ab\u00a0torture, mauvais traitements et d\u00e9ni des droits\u00a0\u00bb lors des proc\u00e9dures judiciaires lanc\u00e9es apr\u00e8s les attentats de mai 2003, tout en ajoutant que Rabat rejette ses all\u00e9gations. En Alg\u00e9rie, le rapport juge que le bilan reste mauvais d’une mani\u00e8re g\u00e9n\u00e9rale avec une aggravation de la situation en mati\u00e8re de libert\u00e9 de la presse, m\u00eame si des am\u00e9liorations sont perceptibles dans d’autres domaines. Il d\u00e9nonce un usage excessif de la force par les forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 alg\u00e9riennes, qui n’ont pas donn\u00e9 d’explications \u00e0 des disparitions pass\u00e9es. \u00ab\u00a0De nouvelles all\u00e9gations d’incidents et de graves tortures sont encore lanc\u00e9es. Invoquant la lutte en cours du pays contre les groupes terroristes arm\u00e9s, la police civile et militaire d\u00e9tient et arr\u00eate arbitrairement des personnes et les d\u00e9tentions au secret se poursuivent\u00a0\u00bb.<\/div>\n
En Tunisie, \u00e9galement, ajoute le rapport, le bilan du gouvernement en mati\u00e8re des droits de l’Homme reste pi\u00e8tre, m\u00eame s’il montre du respect pour la libert\u00e9 religieuse des minorit\u00e9s ainsi que les droits des femmes et des enfants. Mais \u00ab\u00a0des membres des forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 ont tortur\u00e9 et abus\u00e9 physiquement des prisonniers et personnes en d\u00e9tention\u00a0\u00bb. Le rapport cite \u00e9galement des \u00ab\u00a0arrestations arbitraires\u00a0\u00bb et note que les observateurs internationaux ne sont pas autoris\u00e9s \u00e0 inspecter les prisons. Par ailleurs, le rapport juge que le gouvernement continue d’imposer des restrictions importantes aux libert\u00e9s d’__expression, de la presse, de r\u00e9union et d’association.<\/strong> <\/font><\/div>\n
\n<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/div>\n
Voici le texte int\u00e9gral du rapport du d\u00e9partement d ‘\u00e9tat sur la situation des droits de l’Hom me en Tunisie en 2004<\/font><\/strong> <\/font><\/div>\n
Tunisia<\/font> <\/p>\n
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0– <\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/strong> 2004<\/strong><\/font><\/a> Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor<\/font> February 28, 2005<\/font><\/p>\n
<\/p>\n
Tunisia is a constitutional republic dominated by a single political party, the Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali has been the President since 1987. In the October 24 presidential and legislative elections, President Ben Ali ran against three opposition candidates and won 94.49 percent of the popular vote, with official turnout quoted as higher than 90 percent of registered voters, although there were indications that voter turnout figures were artificially inflated. By law, 20 percent of seats in the legislature (Chamber of Deputies) are reserved for opposition party candidates; as a result, 37 (out of 189) seats were divided between 5 of the 7 legal opposition parties in proportion to the number of votes they received. The RCD was allocated the remaining 152 seats. A coalition of three local independent nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) cited a lack of media access by opposition candidates during the campaign period and media bias in favor of the ruling party as serious problems. Opposition candidates and other observers cited voter intimidation and restrictions on disseminating campaign materials and organizing campaign events. The ruling party’s domination of state institutions and political activity precluded credible and competitive electoral challenges from unsanctioned actors. A second legislative body, the Chamber of Advisors, was created in a 2002 referendum amending half the constitution, but has yet to be formed. President Ben Ali has said the chamber will open in the summer of 2005. The Constitution provides that the President appoint the Prime Minister, the Cabinet, and the 24 governors. The Constitution grants legislative power to the Chamber of Deputies and Chamber of Advisors; however, the President can also propose legislation. The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the executive branch and the President strongly influence judicial procedures, particularly in political cases. <\/p>\n
The police share responsibility for internal security with the National Guard and other state security forces. The police operate in the capital and a few other cities. In outlying areas, their policing duties are shared with, or ceded to, the National Guard. The majority of internal security forces are under the control of the Minister of Interior. The civilian authorities maintained effective control of all security forces. Members of the security forces committed numerous, serious human rights abuses and acted with impunity. <\/p>\n
The country has a population of approximately 10 million; the Government maintained that approximately 80 percent of citizens are in the middle class. Fewer than 5 percent fall below the poverty line. The economy is export-oriented, relatively diversified, and increasingly market based. During the year, the economy’s growth rate was approximately 5 percent. Wages generally have kept pace with inflation. <\/p>\n
The Government’s human rights record remained poor, and the Government continued to commit serious abuses; however, the Government continued to demonstrate respect for the religious freedom of minorities, as well as the human rights of women and children. There were significant limitations on citizens’ right to change their government. Members of the security forces tortured and physically abused prisoners and detainees. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained individuals. International observers were not allowed to inspect prisons, and lengthy pretrial and incommunicado detention remained a serious problem. The Government infringed on citizens’ privacy rights. The Government continued to impose significant restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press. The Government restricted freedom of assembly and association. The Government remained intolerant of public criticism and used intimidation, criminal investigations, the court system, arbitrary arrests, residential restrictions, and travel controls (including denial of passports), to discourage criticism by human rights and opposition activists. Corruption was a problem. <\/p>\n
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS<\/strong> <\/p>\n
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: <\/p>\n
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life <\/p>\n
There were no reports of politically motivated killings by the Government or its agents; however, on February 27 the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH) reported that a 29-year-old male citizen, Badreddine Rekeii, died in police custody between February 7 and 9. The police reportedly told Rekeii’s family that he committed suicide; however, according to his family, his body showed \u00ab\u00a0signs of violence\u00a0\u00bb that led them to disbelieve the police report. <\/p>\n
b. Disappearance <\/p>\n
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances; however, state authorities sought to limit contact between prisoners and outside contacts, including family, by moving them frequently to other locations. <\/p>\n
Habib Ellouz, a former leader of the banned Islamist party, An-Nahdha (Arabic for \u00ab\u00a0renaissance\u00a0\u00bb), which the Government considers a terrorist organization, was transferred from the Borj El Amri prison in early in the year after he began a hunger strike. His family has said it has been unable to find out where he is being held (see Section 1.c.). A military tribunal gave Ellouz a life sentence in 1992 for his alleged involvement in a conspiracy to overthrow the Government. <\/p>\n
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment <\/p>\n
The Penal Code prohibits such practices; however, security forces reportedly tortured detainees to elicit confessions and political prisoners to discourage resistance. The forms of torture included: electric shock; confinement to tiny, unlit cells; submersion of the head in water; beatings with hands, sticks, and police batons; suspension from cell doors resulting in loss of consciousness; cigarette burns; and food and sleep deprivation. Police allegedly beat naked, manacled prisoners while they were suspended from a rod. According to Amnesty International (AI), police and prison officials used sexual assault and threats of sexual assault against the wives of Islamist prisoners to extract information, to intimidate, and to punish. <\/p>\n
Charges of torture in specific cases were difficult to prove because authorities often denied victims access to medical care until evidence of abuse disappeared. The Government maintained that it investigated all complaints of torture and mistreatment filed with the prosecutor’s office, and noted that alleged victims sometimes accused police of torture without filing a complaint, which is a prerequisite for an investigation. <\/p>\n
According to defense attorneys, local human rights groups, and AI, police routinely refused to register complaints of torture. In addition, judges dismissed complaints without investigation, and accepted as evidence confessions extracted through torture. The Government may open an administrative investigation of allegations of torture or mistreatment of prisoners without a formal complaint; however, it is unlikely in those cases to make the results public, or available to the lawyers of affected prisoners. <\/p>\n
There were more reports of torture committed in pretrial detention centers than in prisons. Political prisoners and Islamists allegedly received harsher treatment during their arrests and confinement than common criminal prisoners. <\/p>\n
AI reported in 2003 that individuals (who became known as the \u00ab\u00a0Zarzis Group\u00a0\u00bb) were tortured during their pretrial detention. The Government stated that the individuals did not file complaints of mistreatment nor request medical examinations. The judge did not investigate the allegations of torture. The international NGO Reporters Without Borders reported that nine members of the group were convicted on terrorism related charges in April (see Section 1.e.). <\/p>\n
Security forces regularly used violence against Islamists, activists, and dissidents. Three individuals, alleged members of the security forces, assaulted journalist Sihem Ben Sedrine on January 5 (see Section 2.a.). On October 11, former political prisoner Hamma Hammami, whose party urged the boycott of the October 24 presidential elections, reported being assaulted. <\/p>\n
According to the International Association for the Support of Political Prisoners (AISPP), Nabil El Ouaer, whom a military tribunal sentenced to 15 years of prison in the early 1990s, was beaten by the head of Borj Erroumi prison and put in solitary confinement, where four other prisoners raped him in June. Based on its timing and location, human rights activists believed prison officials sanctioned the incident. El Ouaer conducted a hunger strike and filed a complaint through a lawyer. When the case received international attention, President Ben Ali ordered the Higher Commission on Human Rights and Basic Freedoms (a state-appointed body) to conduct an inquiry into the case; however, the results were not publicized. El Ouaer’s family told human rights activists that prison officials pressured him to withdraw his complaint. <\/p>\n
On July 29, the LTDH reported that a police officer allegedly received only a suspended sentence of two years for raping an 8-year-old girl in October 2000 in the town of Sousse. According to reports, the officer had not been suspended from work following the incident. Human rights activists described this as an example of the security forces’ lack of accountability. <\/p>\n
Prison conditions ranged from spartan to poor, and generally did not meet international standards. Foreign diplomatic observers who visited prisons described the conditions as \u00ab\u00a0horrible.\u00a0\u00bb Overcrowding and limited medical care posed a significant threat to prisoners’ health. Sources reported that 40 to 50 prisoners were typically confined to a single 194 square foot cell, and up to 140 prisoners shared a 323 square foot cell. Prisoners and former prisoners reported that inmates were forced to share a single water and toilet facility with more than 100 cellmates, which created serious sanitation problems. <\/p>\n
On October 7, the LTDH released a 63-page report on the country’s prisons entitled \u00ab\u00a0The Walls of Silence,\u00a0\u00bb which stated that there were approximately 26,000 prisoners in 29 prisons and 7 juvenile detention centers. The report described a number of abuses, alleging that torture and humiliating ill treatment of prisoners were widespread within prisons. <\/p>\n
Zouhair Yahiaoui, a formerly imprisoned journalist (see Section 2.a.), reported in 2003 that he had shared a cell that was 40 square meters (430 square feet) with 80 fellow prisoners, and that they only had access to water for 30 minutes a day. He conducted hunger strikes to protest his treatment. <\/p>\n
After a commission of inquiry conducted an investigation of prison conditions in 2003, President Ben Ali decided to implement a number of reforms, many relating to improving medical care in prisons; however, the effects of this decision could not be determined. The Commission’s report was not released to the public. An article from the magazine \u00ab\u00a0R\u00e9alit\u00e9s\u00a0\u00bb stated that there were 253 prisoners per 100,000 citizens, that prisoners were made to sleep on floors and under beds, and that some waited up to 7 months before moving from the floor to a bed shared with other prisoners. <\/p>\n
On July 7, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a report entitled \u00ab\u00a0Long-Term Solitary Confinement of Political Prisoners\u00a0\u00bb that documented how as many as 40 political prisoners, mostly An- Nahdha leaders, have been held in long-term isolation in prisons around the country. HRW claimed that many of these prisoners have been in isolation for periods ranging from months to years, and that the isolation policy has violated the country’s law. <\/p>\n
Men, women, and children were held separately in prisons. Prison conditions for women were generally better than those for men. According to \u00ab\u00a0R\u00e9alit\u00e9s,\u00a0\u00bb there were four juvenile \u00ab\u00a0reformatory centers.\u00a0\u00bb Conditions for detainees and convicts were reportedly the same. Pretrial detainees generally were kept separate from convicts.<\/p>\n
There were reports from former prisoners, the relatives of current prisoners, and NGOs that prison conditions and rules were harsher for political prisoners and Islamists. Former political prisoners said their records and identity cards were marked to identify them to guards for \u00ab\u00a0special treatment.\u00a0\u00bb These prisoners apparently were moved frequently and, upon arrival at a new prison, received a brutal beating. <\/p>\n
International and local NGOs reported that political prisoners regularly were moved among jails throughout the country, thereby making it more difficult for their families to deliver food to them and to discourage their supporters or the press from inquiring about them (see Section 1.b.). The National Council for Liberties in Tunisia (CNLT) reported that other inmates were instructed to stay away from political prisoners and were punished severely for making contact with them. <\/p>\n
The Government did not permit international organizations or the media to inspect or monitor prison conditions. During the year, the Government conducted talks with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to allow ICRC access to the country’s prisons; however, no access had been granted by year’s end. <\/p>\n
d. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention <\/p>\n
The Constitution specifically prohibits arbitrary arrest and detention; however, these prohibitions were not always observed in practice. <\/p>\n
The Ministry of Interior controls the majority of the security services. Within the ministry are several law enforcement organizations, including: the police, who have primary responsibility within the major cities; the National Guard, which has responsibility in smaller cities and the countryside; and state security forces tasked with monitoring groups and individuals the Government considers to be a dangerous threat, such as the media, Islamists, human rights activists, and opposition parties and leaders. The Ministry of Interior monitors the communications of those groups and individuals. There are a large number of plainclothes police throughout the country. <\/p>\n
In general, law enforcement groups were disciplined, organized, and effective; however, there were episodes involving petty corruption, the solicitation of bribes by police at traffic stops, and police brutality against individuals whose behavior was deemed \u00ab\u00a0provocative.\u00a0\u00bb Human rights activists reported that law enforcement organizations operated with impunity, and that the police committed attacks, sanctioned by high officials, on dissidents and oppositionists. <\/p>\n
During the year, the Government stated that in 74 cases between 2000 and 2002, police and prison guards who committed \u00ab\u00a0infringements against detainees\u00a0\u00bb had received sentences ranging from an $85 (100 dinars) fine to a 10-year imprisonment. <\/p>\n
On March 17, the Minister of Interior announced the creation of the Higher Institute of Internal Security Forces and Customs, a new oversight body for law enforcement officers in the Ministries of Interior and Customs. The organization’s stated mission was to reinforce human rights and improve law enforcement; however, no information was available about its subsequent operations. <\/p>\n
The law provides that the police must have a warrant to arrest a suspect, unless the crime committed is a felony or in progress; however, authorities sometimes ignored this requirement and arbitrary arrests and detentions occurred. The Penal Code permits the detention of suspects for up to 6 days prior to arraignment, during which the Government may hold suspects incommunicado. Arresting officers are required to inform detainees of their rights, immediately inform detainees’ families of the arrest, and make a complete record of the times and dates of such notifications; however, those rules were sometimes ignored. Detainees were allowed access to family members when they were not being held incommunicado; however, the Government did not always facilitate the efforts of family members to identify the whereabouts of their detained relatives. <\/p>\n
Detainees have the right to know the grounds of their arrest before questioning, and may request a medical examination. They do not have a right to legal representation during the pre-arraignment detention. Attorneys, human rights monitors, and former detainees maintained that the authorities illegally extended detainment by falsifying arrest dates. Police reportedly extorted money from families of innocent detainees in exchange for dropping charges against them. <\/p>\n
The law permits the release of accused persons on bail, which may be paid by a third party. Detainees have the right to be represented by counsel during arraignment. The Government provides legal representation for indigents. At arraignment, the examining magistrate may decide to release the accused or remand him to pretrial detention.<\/p>\n
In cases involving crimes for which the sentence may exceed 5 years or that involve national security, pretrial detention may last an initial period of 6 months and may be extended by court order for two additional 4-month periods. For crimes in which the sentence may not exceed 5 years, the court may extend the initial 6-month pretrial detention by an additional 3 months only. During this pretrial stage, the court conducts an investigation, hears arguments, and accepts evidence and motions from both parties. Complaints of prolonged pretrial detention were common. Some defendants claimed that they were held in pretrial detention for years. <\/p>\n
The Government denied detaining anyone for political crimes. The lack of public information on prisoners and detainees made it impossible to estimate how many political detainees there were. However, it is likely that the number of political detainees held without charge is low because criminal convictions of dissidents and Islamists are easy to secure under laws prohibiting membership in outlawed organizations, and \u00ab\u00a0spreading false information aimed at disturbing of the public order.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
Judges and the Government exercised their authority to release prisoners or suspend their sentences, often on conditional parole (see Section 1.e.). On November 3, the Government granted amnesty to prisoners in an annual ritual marking the anniversary of President Ben Ali’s accession to power (see Section 3). The Government did not provide details on the numbers, types, or names of prisoners released. Estimates of the numbers released range from 26 to at least 80. According to AI, most of those released were members of the banned Islamist group An-Nadha. <\/p>\n
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, the executive branch and the President strongly influenced judicial decisions, particularly in political cases. The executive branch exercises an indirect authority over the judiciary through the appointment, assignment, tenure, and transfer of judges, which rendered the system susceptible to pressure in sensitive cases. In addition, the President is head of the Supreme Council of Judges. The law provides citizens legal recourse to an administrative tribunal to address grievances against government ministries; however, government officials rarely respected the tribunal’s decisions, which were non-binding. Throughout the year, the Government permitted observers from diplomatic missions, members of the European Parliament, and foreign journalists to monitor trials. The Government did not permit observers to attend sessions of military tribunals. <\/p>\n
The civil court system is composed of a four-tiered hierarchy. At the first level, there are 51 District Courts, in which a single judge hears each case. At the second level are the Courts of First Instance, which serve as the appellate courts for the District Courts, but also have original jurisdiction for more serious cases. There is a Court of First Instance in each region, and they are empowered to consider all commercial and civil cases. Each Court is composed of a three-judge panel. At the third level are three Appeals Courts. The Court of Cassation or Supreme Court serves as the final court of appeals. The Supreme Court only considers arguments pertaining to points of law. The organization of the criminal court system is similar to that of the civil court system. In most cases, the presiding judge or panel of judges dominates a trial, and defense attorneys have little opportunity to participate substantively. <\/p>\n
There are also military courts, which fall under the Ministry of Defense, and an administrative tribunal. <\/p>\n
Trials in the regular courts of first instance and in the courts of appeal are open to the public. By law, the accused has the right to be present at trial, be represented by counsel, and question witnesses; however, judges do not always observe these rights in practice. The law permits the trial in absentia of fugitives from the law. Both the accused and the prosecutor may appeal decisions of the lower courts. In court, a woman’s testimony is worth the same as a man’s. <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides that defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty \u00ab\u00a0following a procedure offering essential defense guarantees.\u00a0\u00bb However, that presumption was sometimes ignored in practice, especially in politically sensitive cases. Defendants may request a different judge if they believe the one assigned to them is not impartial; however, judges are not required to recuse themselves. The law allows judges to substitute community service for jail sentences of 6 months or less. There were no reports that this alternative was applied in political cases. <\/p>\n
Although family and inheritance law is codified, civil law judges were known to apply Shari’a law in family cases (especially those involving child custody) if the two systems conflicted. For example, codified laws provided women with the legal right to custody over minor children; however, judges sometimes refused to grant women permission to leave the country with them, holding that Shari’ a appoints the father as the head of the family who must grant children permission to travel. Some families avoided the application of Shari’ a inheritance rules by executing sales contracts between parents and children to ensure that daughters received shares of property equal to that of sons. <\/p>\n
Lengthy trial delays remained a problem (see Section 1.d.). Defendants do not have the right to a speedy trial, nor is there any limit to how much time a case can take. Defense lawyers claimed that judges sometimes refused to let them call witnesses on their clients’ behalf or to question key government witnesses. Defense lawyers contended that the courts often failed to grant them adequate notice of trial dates, or to allow them time to prepare their cases. Some reported that judges restricted access to evidence and court records, and in some cases, required all the lawyers working on a case to examine documents together on a single date in judges’ chambers, without allowing them to copy relevant documents. <\/p>\n
Lawyers and human rights organizations reported that courts routinely failed to investigate allegations of torture and mistreatment and accepted as evidence confessions extracted through torture (see Section 1.c.). They noted that the summary nature of court sessions sometimes prevented reasoned deliberation. They also stated that erratic court schedules and procedures were designed to deter observers of political trials. <\/p>\n
On April 6, eight defendants, known informally as the \u00ab\u00a0Zarzis Group,\u00a0\u00bb were convicted of terrorism-related charges. Six sentences were later reduced on appeal from up to 26 years to 13 years. On April 16, a ninth member of the group received a 25-month sentence. Human rights groups criticized their trials, claiming the prosecution submitted very little evidence. The defendants, most in their late teens and early twenties, reportedly had searched the Internet for information about explosives and construction of a rocket launcher, and they had tried to contact an alleged member of Al Qaida in Europe. According to some human rights groups, the Zarzis members were arrested immediately after Government \u00ab\u00a0cyber police\u00a0\u00bb detected their illicit web surfing. <\/p>\n
On November 4, Jalal Zoghlami, editor of the opposition magazine Kaws El-Karama, and his brother Nejib Zoghlami were sentenced to 8 months in prison for damaging property during a \u00ab\u00a0disturbance\u00a0\u00bb in a Tunis caf\u00e9. According to HRW, the brothers claimed that police agents had staged the event. <\/p>\n
Military tribunals have the authority try cases involving military personnel and civilians accused of national security crimes. A military tribunal consists of a civilian judge and four military deputy judges. Defendants may appeal the military tribunal’s verdict to the civilian Supreme Court, which considers arguments on points of law as opposed to the facts of a case. AI has claimed that citizens charged under the tribunals have been denied basic rights during the judicial process. <\/p>\n
On June 29, Salem Zirda, a civilian and former refugee, faced a military court trial for \u00ab\u00a0providing services to a terrorist organization operating abroad.\u00a0\u00bb Mr. Zirda was accused of having made contact with members of the banned Islamist party An-Nadha The court sentenced him to 7 years in prison. <\/p>\n
The Government denied that it held any political prisoners, and there was no definitive information regarding the number of political prisoners. Nevertheless, early in the year, the AISPP published a list of 542 names of individuals whom it considered political prisoners. The AISPP stated that impediments to gathering information about prisoners made it very likely that the total number of political prisoners was higher. Nearly all of these prisoners were Islamists, but very few were convicted for acts of violence. Most of those who have been identified by international human rights groups as political prisoners or prisoners of conscience were arrested for violating laws that prohibit membership in illegal organizations, and spreading false information aimed at undermining public order. Many were arrested for disseminating information produced by organizations such as An-Nahdha. Former political prisoners said their identity papers were marked in a way that resulted in their receiving harsher treatment (see Section 1.c.). <\/p>\n
The Government released approximately 80 prisoners in early November. Two of the released prisoners were former An-Nahdha leaders Ali Laaridh and Zyed Daoulatli. The releases were part of the annual amnesty commemorating President Ben Ali’s 1987 accession; however, observers noted that most of the released prisoners had served two-thirds of their sentences, which is the point when most convicts are granted parole.<\/p>\n
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence <\/p>\n
The Constitution prohibits such actions \u00ab\u00a0except in exceptional cases defined by law\u00a0\u00bb; however, the Government generally did not respect these prohibitions in practice. Police sometimes ignored the requirement to have a warrant before conducting searches if authorities considered state security to be involved. <\/p>\n
On June 14, state security forces reportedly attempted to search the office of Saida Akremi, a lawyer and the Secretary General of the AISPP. According to witnesses, Akremi was able to prevent the search from taking place, since the security forces reportedly did not have a search warrant. <\/p>\n
On September 3, the opposition newspaper Al Mawkef reported that the house of journalist Slim Boukhedhir was broken into after he asked a question at a press conference implying that relatives of the President had pressured the judiciary to influence a legal case. Human rights activists speculated that security forces committed the break in (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
Authorities may invoke state security to justify telephone surveillance. There were numerous reports by NGOs, the news media, and diplomatic representatives that the Government intercepted faxes and emails. The law does not explicitly authorize these activities, but the Government stated that the Code of Criminal Procedure implicitly gives investigating magistrates such authority. Many political activists experienced frequent and sometimes extended interruptions of home and business telephone and fax service. Human rights activists accused the Government of using the Postal Code, with its broad but undefined prohibition against mail that threatens the public order, to interfere with their correspondence and interrupt the delivery of foreign publications. Security forces routinely monitored the activities, telephone, and Internet exchanges of opposition, Islamist, and human rights activists, as well as journalists, and also placed some under surveillance (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
Human rights activists claimed that the Government subjected family members of Islamist activists and human rights activists to arbitrary arrest, reportedly using charges of \u00ab\u00a0association with criminal elements\u00a0\u00bb to punish family members for crimes allegedly committed by the activists. Family members were reportedly denied jobs, business licenses, and the right to travel due to their relatives’ activism. They also alleged that relatives of Islamist activists, who were in jail or living abroad, were subjected to police surveillance and mandatory visits to police stations for questioning about their activist relatives. The Government maintained that the non-activist relatives were themselves members or associates of the An Nahdha movement, and therefore were subject to legitimate laws prohibiting membership in or association with that organization. <\/p>\n
On April 3, two Islamist former political prisoners, Abdellatif Makki and Jalel Ayes, suspended their 2-month hunger strike protesting their December 2003 dismissal from El Manar University. They had been banned from attending the university after their release from prison. Their case received the attention of local and international human rights NGOs; however, they were not reinstated. <\/p>\n
According to human rights lawyer Radhia Nasraoui, the Government reportedly was no longer conducting obtrusive surveillance of her, her family, and her clients. <\/p>\n
There were no indications that the Government had reissued any of the more than 10,000 national identity cards (confiscated in 2003) of former prisoners convicted of An-Nahdha membership, or of relatives of An-Nahdha members and their supporters. Confiscation of an identity card makes nearly every aspect of civil and administrative life difficult. An individual must have an identity card to receive healthcare, sign a lease, buy or drive a car, access bank accounts and pensions, and even to join a sports club. Police may stop anyone at any time and ask for their identity card. If individuals are unable to produce their cards, police may detain them until their identity can be established by a central fingerprint database. <\/p>\n
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including: <\/p>\n
a. Freedom of Speech and Press <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press \u00ab\u00a0exercised within the conditions defined by the law\u00a0\u00bb; however, the Government generally did not respect these rights in practice. It limited press freedom and intimidated journalists, editors, and publishers into practicing self-censorship. Security forces closely monitored press activity. <\/p>\n
There were a number of limits on freedom of speech. In particular, the Government did not tolerate criticism of its policies or officials in the mainstream press, and self-censorship in public over these issues was common throughout all levels of society. <\/p>\n
On July 24, the Tunisian Chamber of Deputies adopted a law that criminalized the unauthorized publication of any other individual’s personal information. The Government cited this as an example of improvement in the field of human rights, namely, citizens’ right to privacy; however, journalists expressed concern that in practice the law would actually be used to limit freedom of speech and the press, particularly in politically sensitive cases. There were no reports of this law being enforced. <\/p>\n
The law prohibits citizens from discussing national politics on foreign radio or television channels during the 2 weeks prior to national elections; however, there were no cases in which the law was invoked during the year. <\/p>\n
Security forces often questioned citizens seen talking with foreign visitors or residents, particularly visiting international human rights monitors and journalists. <\/p>\n
The Government stated there were 245 newspapers and magazines in the country, the \u00ab\u00a0great majority\u00a0\u00bb of which are \u00ab\u00a0privately owned and freely decide on their own editorial line.\u00a0\u00bb It also noted \u00ab\u00a0the press as a whole enjoys a great deal of indirect assistance in the form of customs exemptions for all materials involved in printing.\u00a0\u00bb However, of the eight mainstream dailies, two are government-owned, two are owned by the ruling party, and two, although nominally private, take editorial direction from senior government officials. All media are subject to significant governmental pressure over subject matter. There were three opposition party newspapers, which had small circulations but exercised editorial independence from the Government. Nevertheless, two of them, Ettariq El Jadid and Al Wahda, received Government subsidies under a law that provided government financing to papers representing opposition parties with seats in Parliament. The third, Al Mawqif, did not receive the subsidy since its party was not represented in Parliament. <\/p>\n
Foreign publications that included articles critical of the country were generally not available for sale, although in some cases they were distributed after a few days’ delay. The Government prevented local journalists from broadcasting reports on pan-Arab satellite channels during the Arab ministerial meetings in January and March. Government regulations required foreign correspondents to obtain written approval before videotaping any public area. <\/p>\n
The Government tightly controlled broadcast media. It owned and operated the two television stations and all but one of the country’s radio stations. Broadcast news reports were confined to international and uncontroversial national issues. On the other hand, the Government did not restrict possession of satellite dishes, which reportedly a majority of households used to gain access to foreign news channels. The country’s sole private radio station, Radio Mosaique, continued to make extensive independent social commentary; however, its political reporting was similar to that of state-owned broadcast media. <\/p>\n
The Government exercised tight control over the creation of new print and broadcast media organizations. It did not allow the creation of any new newspaper during the year, but did authorize the creation of the country’s first independent television station, which reportedly will begin broadcasting in February 2005. <\/p>\n
The Government was sensitive about local journalists who contributed to negative reporting about the country in the international press. On January 5, three men, alleged to be plainclothes members of the security forces, assaulted journalist Sihem Ben Sedrine. One struck her repeatedly in the face and chest. The assault coincided with an increase in Ben Sedrine’s contacts with western media, NGOs, and governments, which observers believed to be the reason for the assault. <\/p>\n
On January 13, security forces prevented Sihem Ben Sedrine, a journalist, publisher, and one of the founders of the CNLT, from registering her newspaper Kalima, whose website remains blocked within the country (see Section 2.b.) Ms. Ben Sedrine has said this was her third attempt to register the publication. <\/p>\n
Members of the security forces regularly questioned journalists regarding press conferences and other public functions hosted by foreigners that the journalists attended. <\/p>\n
On May 3, the Tunisian Journalism Association (AJT) published a list of 11 journalists who had not received permission, as requested, to publish new independent newspapers. The Government did not process applications for independent television and radio licenses, and applicants complained of a lack of transparency about the application process. <\/p>\n
Harassment of journalists by the Government was common, and in rare cases, security forces used violence against them. At an August press conference, two men, alleged to be members of the security forces, reportedly assaulted journalist Slim Boukhedhir after he asked a question implying that relatives of the President had pressured the judiciary to influence a legal case. Subsequent to the incident, Boukhedhir reportedly received numerous threatening phone calls and his house was broken into (see Section 1.f.). <\/p>\n
The Government withheld press credentials from, and delayed granting passports to, journalists with whom it was displeased, particularly those associated with the opposition. For example, Al Mowqif senior editor Mohamed Fourati was denied a passport for 8 months. On March 24, the Government accused Fourati in court of belonging to an unauthorized organization based on a series of articles that he published in Kalima, although the Government subsequently dropped the charges. On the other hand, Internet journalist and former political prisoner Zouhair Yahyaoui (conditionally released from prison in November 2003) was able to get a passport, despite the fact that he remained vocally critical of the Government, and resumed his work editing an online pro-democracy magazine that the Government blocked. <\/p>\n
Unlike in previous years, there were no new reports of journalists being arrested. In March, a Court of Appeals confirmed the November 2003 conviction of Kalima editor and dissident journalist Neziha Rejiba (known as Om Zied). Rejiba was convicted of an arbitrarily enforced currency exchange restriction and received an 8-month suspended sentence and a $950 (1,200 dinars) fine. Observers believed that she was charged to punish her for the editorial line of the online journal. <\/p>\n
On September 10, Abdullah Zouari, a journalist who once worked for Al-Fajr, the weekly newspaper of the An-Nahdha party, was released from prison. He conducted a hunger strike in early this year to protest the fact that his family was prohibited from visiting him. Zouari was convicted in August 2003 for violating the terms of his administrative control when he accompanied an HRW foreign worker to visit families of Islamist prisoners. Hamadi Jebali, a former editor of Al-Fajr, remained in prison to serve his 6-year sentence for insurrection and \u00ab\u00a0membership in an illegal organization.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
News media are subject to direct and indirect government control over content. However, the primary mechanisms that the Government used to censor publications were indirect. For example, The Press Code requires all newspapers to submit copies of each edition to the Government prior to distribution. This pro forma process, known as \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9p\u00f4t legal\u00a0\u00bb, resulted in self-censorship among editors and journalists. Unlike the mainstream independent press, the Government required some opposition papers to await explicit approval of each edition before beginning its distribution. Even when the Government formally approved editions of opposition papers, it sometimes prevented their distribution. The staff of Al Mawqif reported that such was the case on several occasions during the year. <\/p>\n
On March 9, 28 journalists employed by the government-owned daily newspapers, La Presse and As Sahafa, signed a letter to government officials decrying an increase in censorship and pressure from \u00ab\u00a0the hierarchy.\u00a0\u00bb They specifically cited pressure to refrain from reporting on sensitive national issues such as the 2003 Tunis floods and a teacher’s strike, as well as on international issues such as the number of coalition forces killed in Iraq and Israeli actions in Palestine. Thirteen later rescinded their signatures, allegedly due to pressure from their editors. On May 31, representatives of the Ministry of Interior convoked Rachid Khachana, the editor of Al Mawqif, to advise him to desist from publishing statements by \u00ab\u00a0unrecognized entities\u00a0\u00bb and from \u00ab\u00a0criticizing the ruling party.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
According to media editors, senior government officials routinely called news directors and editors to inform them which issues were taboo, and in some cases, to take issue with reports they had published or broadcast. The Tunisian Agency for External Communications (ATCE) enforced this policy and other informal censorship mechanisms by selectively withholding government-advertising funds from newspapers or magazines that published articles that the Government deemed offensive. In May, R\u00e9alit\u00e9s lost all government-funded advertising for two weeks after the publication of an editorial on freedom of the press in the country. In addition, private companies reportedly were consistently unwilling to advertise in newspapers no longer receiving government advertisements for fear of appearing to side with the media organization being punished. <\/p>\n
The media practiced a high degree of self-censorship. Journalists in the mainstream press regularly refrained from investigative reporting on national issues. The tiny opposition press constituted the only newspapers to report regularly on controversial national issues. <\/p>\n
Book publishing was subject to the pro forma approval of the Government, and the Government imposed the same restrictions on books as it did on other media. <\/p>\n
The Government blocked access to a number of Internet websites, including nearly all sites belonging to domestic human rights, opposition and Islamist groups, as well as many pornographic websites. However, in April, the Government allowed access to several foreign websites that previously had been blocked, including Hotmail, Al Jazeera, AI, and the French daily newspaper Liberation. Some foreign human rights websites remained blocked, including the website of the NGO Reporters Without Borders. <\/p>\n
On May 3, the LTDH published the report, \u00ab\u00a0Media Under Watch\u00a0\u00bb, that criticized the state of press freedom and discussed the means by which the Government monitored and blocked Internet usage. In July, a report on \u00ab\u00a0cyber freedom\u00a0\u00bb, published by the Arab Information Network on Human Rights, ranked the country last among 11 Arab countries. <\/p>\n
The Government limited academic freedom and sought to foster a culture of self-censorship in universities. The Government closely monitored administrators, teachers, and students to identify Islamic extremists. Police on university campuses, both in uniform and plainclothes, discouraged students from openly expressing dissent. Academic publications were subject to the pro forma process of submission to the Government before publication, and university libraries did not purchase foreign books or subscribe to foreign magazines deemed critical of the Government. Tight government control over academic research funds caused university administrators to not apply for grants on research topics (such as one on \u00ab\u00a0voting methods\u00a0\u00bb) that they believed the Government would find objectionable. Professors avoided teaching classes on subjects considered sensitive, such as legal courses on political systems or classes on civil liberties. <\/p>\n
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for freedom of assembly; however, the Government restricted this right in practice. Groups that wish to hold a public meeting, rally, or march must apply for and obtain a permit from the Ministry of Interior no later than 3 days before the proposed event, and they must submit a list of participants. According to diplomatic representatives, the authorities routinely approved such permits for groups that supported government positions, but consistently refused permission for groups that expressed dissenting views. In previous years, NGO leaders have reported difficulty in renting space to hold large meetings. They maintained that police pressured hotel and hall managers to prevent them from renting meeting space to the NGOs. <\/p>\n
In March, according to human rights activists, the deputy governor of Gafsa refused to allow regional leaders of an opposition party to meet. The meeting’s organizers were forced to cancel the event at the last minute. <\/p>\n
According to opposition media, regional authorities pressured a Tozeur businessman to rescind his offer to rent a meeting hall to an opposition party in May, which he did. Other hotel managers and businessmen denied that there is a specific ban on renting space to opposition groups; however, they said they cooperated with the Ministry of Interior and accommodated its requests when possible. <\/p>\n
On November 28, security forces prevented human rights activists from attending a meeting of the LTDH, in the town of Kairouan, by imposing road checkpoints and blocking entrance to the LTDH headquarters. On December 11, police surrounded the headquarters of the CNLT and blocked attendance at the organization’s general assembly. <\/p>\n
The Government used large numbers of police and other forces tasked with state security to monitor, control, and sometimes disrupt demonstrations. According to diplomatic representatives, the Government broke up several unsanctioned demonstrations during the year and, in many incidents, police outnumbered demonstrators. In general, demonstrators and security forces did not resort to violence; however, there were some exceptions, such as scuffles ensuing from demonstrators’ attempts to cross police lines or demonstrators not dispersing when ordered by police. Security forces were prepared to respond vigorously to civil disorder. <\/p>\n
On April 18, police convoked several NGO leaders who had organized a peaceful demonstration to protest the killing of a Palestinian leader. Some were asked to sign a written document promising not to participate in future demonstrations. <\/p>\n
On April 23, college students in the northern town of Bizerte conducted a demonstration \u00ab\u00a0in solidarity with Iraq and Palestine\u00a0\u00bb that police violently dispersed. There were no reports of injuries or deaths. The official government news agency announced that the demonstration served no purpose since the Government position and that of the demonstrators were identical. <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for freedom of association; however, the Government generally did not respect this right in practice, particularly for groups deemed critical of its policies. The law requires that new NGOs submit an application to the Government in order to gain recognition, and to operate legally. According to the law, an NGO that has filed an application to register may operate freely, while the Government processes its application. If the Government does not reject the application within 90 days, the NGO is automatically registered. <\/p>\n
The Government routinely and arbitrarily blocked the registration of new independent NGOs by refusing to provide receipts for their registration applications. Without such a receipt, NGOs were unable to counter the Government’s assertions that they had not applied to register, and therefore were not allowed to operate. In such cases, NGOs could be shut down, their property seized, and their members prosecuted for \u00ab\u00a0membership in an illegal organization.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
On January 13, journalist and editor Sihem Ben Sedrine was similarly rebuffed when she attempted to register her online magazine, Kalima, despite the fact a member of the Chamber of Deputies accompanied her (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
On March 22, the Government solicited the application of the AISPP, which its president, Mohamed Nouri, duly submitted. When the Government gave him a receipt, many observers assumed that it would approve the NGO’s application, since in all related cases in recent years it has refused to provide a receipt for the applications of human rights NGOs. Nevertheless, in June, the Government formally rejected its application without providing the grounds for refusal (see Section 4). <\/p>\n
On April 26, the recently formed Tunisian Green Party submitted an application to register itself with the Government. After the party did not hear from the Government for 3 months, its president, Abdelkader Zitouni, believed that the application had been approved according to the law. Nevertheless, on July 26, the Ministry of Interior informed him that it had not received an official request for registration. Since Zitouni had not received a receipt, he was unable to prove to the Government’s satisfaction that he had submitted an application (see Section 3). <\/p>\n
On June 8, the human rights activist Radhia Nasraoui of the Tunisian Association for the Struggle against Torture (ALTT), accompanied by the NGO’s vice-president, secretary general, and treasurer, attempted to submit an application to register their NGO. According to the ALTT, after government officials refused to accept their applications, the group conducted a 6-hour sit-in until police expelled them and supporters from the premises (see Section 1.f.). <\/p>\n
c. Freedom of Religion <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for the freedom of religion that does not disturb public order, and the Government generally respected this right in practice, although there were some restrictions and abuses. The Government did not permit the establishment of political parties based on religion, prohibited proselytizing, and restricted the wearing of the hijab, or headscarf. Islam is the state religion, and the Constitution stipulates that the President must be a Muslim. The Government controlled and subsidized mosques, and also subsidized some synagogues. The Government paid the salaries of both Muslim prayer leaders and the country’s Grand Rabbi. <\/p>\n
The Government recognizes all Christian and Jewish religious organizations that were established before independence in 1956. Although it permits other Christian denominations to operate, the Government has only formally recognized the Catholic Church. The Government did not permit Christian groups to establish new churches. Authorities can deport foreigners suspected of proselytizing and not permit them to return; however, there were reports that the Government preferred to not renew the visas of suspected missionaries or to pressure their employers to not extend their contracts, rather than to deport them. There were no reported cases of official action against persons suspected of proselytizing during the year. <\/p>\n
Since 1999, the Government has not permitted registration of a Jewish religious organization in Djerba; however, the group has been permitted to operate, and it performed religious activities and charitable work without restriction. <\/p>\n
The Ministry of Religious Affairs hosted a Colloquium December 8-9 entitled \u00ab\u00a0Dialogue of the Abrahamic Faiths for Tolerance and Peace\u00a0\u00bb, aimed at fostering mutual understanding. Representatives of the Muslim, Christian, and Jewish faiths participated. <\/p>\n
Islamic religious education was mandatory in public schools; however, the religious curriculum for secondary school students also included histories of Judaism and Christianity. <\/p>\n
The Government did not permit the establishment of political parties based on religion, and it used this prohibition to continue to outlaw the Islamist party An-Nahdha, and to prosecute suspected members for \u00ab\u00a0membership in an illegal organization\u00a0\u00bb (see Section 1.e.). In previous years, the Government revoked the identity cards of an estimated 10,000 to 15,000 Islamists and fundamentalists, which, among other consequences, prevented them from being legally employed (see Section 1.f.). Many of these individuals reportedly remained without identity cards throughout the year. The Government continued to maintain tight surveillance over Islamists. <\/p>\n
The law provides that only persons appointed by the Government may lead activities in mosques, such as prayer or theological discussion groups. The Government required that mosques remain closed, except during prayer times and other authorized religious ceremonies, such as marriages or funerals. According to human rights lawyers, the Government regularly questioned individuals observed praying frequently in mosques. Authorities instructed imams to espouse governmental social and economic programs during prayer times in mosques. <\/p>\n
The Government sought to suppress certain outward signs of citizens’ religious practice. For example, regulations forbade the wearing of the hijab in government offices, and there were reports of police requiring women to remove their hijab in offices, on the street, and at certain public gatherings. In several cases, school officials took disciplinary action to punish and deter hijab use, and there were reports that school and government officials detained women who wore the hijab, and attempted to make them sign written oaths renouncing it. The Government characterized the hijab as a \u00ab\u00a0garment of foreign origin having a partisan connotation,\u00a0\u00bb and prohibited the hijab in public institutions in order to \u00ab\u00a0observe impartiality required of officials in their professional relations with others.\u00a0\u00bb However, diplomatic representatives observed a few government employees wearing the hijab in their offices. There were reports that police sometimes detained men with \u00ab\u00a0Islamic\u00a0\u00bb style beards, harassed them, and compelled them to shave off their beards.<\/p>\n
Religious publications are subject to the same restrictions on freedom of speech and the press as secular publications. Christian groups were generally allowed to distribute religious documents in English but not in Arabic. Moreover, only sanctioned religious groups were allowed to distribute religious documents. In the Government’s view, distribution by other groups constituted an illegal \u00ab\u00a0threat to public order\u00a0\u00bb (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
Christians and Jews living in the country, including foreigners, constituted less than 1 percent of the population. The Government permitted Christians and Jews, who did not proselytize, to worship as they wished, and it allowed Jewish communities to operate private religious schools. Jewish children on the island of Djerba were permitted to divide their academic day between secular public schools and private religious schools. The Government also encouraged Jewish expatriates to return for the annual pilgrimage to the historic El-Ghriba Synagogue on the island. <\/p>\n
The Government took a wide range of security measures to protect synagogues, particularly during Jewish holidays, and Jewish community leaders said that the level of protection that the Government provided them increased during the year. Government officials and private citizens alike often cited the country’s tradition of religious tolerance as one of its strengths. <\/p>\n
While Baha’is do not consider themselves Muslims, the Government regarded the Baha’i faith as a heretical sect of Islam, and permitted its adherents to only practice their faith in private. Ministry of Interior officials periodically met with prominent citizens of the Baha’i faith to discuss their activities, and Baha’i leaders asserted that, as a result, their community’s relationship with the Government improved during the year. <\/p>\n
Muslims who converted to another religion faced social ostracism. There were reports that the Government did not allow married couples to register the birth of their children, or receive birth certificates if the mother was Christian and the father was Muslim, and if the parents tried to give their children non-Muslim names. <\/p>\n
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2004 International Religious Freedom Report<\/a>. <\/p>\n
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel, Emigration, Repatriation, and Exile <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for these rights, and the Government generally respected them in practice; however, the Government refused to issue, renew, amend, or accept passports of some dissidents, Islamists, and their relatives. The Government also may impose a 5-year period of \u00ab\u00a0administrative controls\u00a0\u00bb at sentencing on certain former prisoners that constituted a type of internal exile. <\/p>\n
The law provides that the courts can cancel passports and contains broad provisions that both permit passport seizure on national security grounds, and deny citizens the right either to present their case against seizure or to appeal the judges’ decision. The Ministry of Interior is required to submit requests to seize or withhold a citizen’s passport through the public prosecutor to the courts; however, the Ministry of Interior routinely bypassed the public prosecutor with impunity. The public prosecutor deferred to the Ministry of Interior on such requests. <\/p>\n
There were numerous reports of citizens experiencing difficulty applying for or renewing their passports. Many applicants accused the Government of not acting on their applications solely on the basis of their opposition to the ruling party or Government policies. Mokhtar Boubaker, a labor leader and former chief editor of the General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT) weekly, Esch-Chaab, reported that the Government has refused him a passport since 2001. He said the Ministry of Interior refused to tell him the reason for not processing his renewal application. In another case, former Islamist leader Dr. Mohamed Sedki Labidi allegedly has been deprived of his passport for the last decade without a court decision. In February, the Government allegedly refused to issue a passport for the 8-month-old daughter of a former political prisoner, now living in Europe. <\/p>\n
The Constitution prohibits forced exile; however, the Penal Code provides for the imposition of a form of internal exile (which the Government calls \u00ab\u00a0administrative control\u00a0\u00bb) on convicts for up to five years. Administrative control measures, which take effect upon a convict’s release from prison, are similar to parole restrictions, except that they may be applied to prisoners even after they have completed their sentences. The Government assigns those individuals a place to live, which may be anywhere in the country, and they are required to stay \u00ab\u00a0in the area of their residence.\u00a0\u00bb They also may be required to report to a police station several times each day, and at times that are determined only the previous evening. At the police station, they reportedly may be forced to wait hours before they are allowed to sign in, which made employment impossible and childcare difficult. Numerous Islamists released from prison in recent years have been subjected to such requirements. <\/p>\n
On September 10, the Government released former journalist Abdullah Zouari, who was originally sentenced to 9 months in prison in August 2003 for violating the terms of the administrative control measures imposed on him (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
By law, administrative control measures may only be imposed at sentencing; however, a former high school teacher, Nouri Chniti, claimed that, although his sentence did not include administrative control, he has been subject to extra-judicial administrative control measures since 1991, when he received a suspended sentence for membership in An-Nadha. <\/p>\n
Some political opponents in self-imposed exile abroad were prevented from obtaining or renewing their passports in order to return to the country. <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides for the granting of asylum or refugee status in accordance with the 1951 U.N. Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol. The country is a party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, and the Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa. However, in practice, the Government has instituted no measures to protect against refoulement, the return of persons to a country where they feared persecution, and has not granted refugee status and asylum. The Government cooperated to a certain degree with the office of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in assisting refugees and asylum seekers. The Government has not officially provided temporary protection to foreign nationals who did not qualify as refugees under the 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol. <\/p>\n
Section 3 Political Rights: Citizens’ Right to Change Their Government <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides that citizens shall directly elect the President and members of the Chamber of Deputies for 5-year terms; however, there were significant limitations on citizens’ right to change their government. Moreover, irregularities that called into question the legitimacy of elections were routine. In the October 24 national elections, President Ben Ali faced three candidates, and received 94.49 percent of the popular vote to secure a fourth term in office. The third opposition candidate, Mohamed Halouani of the Et Tajdid party, cited a number of government restrictions and other irregularities to explain why he received less that 1 percent of the official vote count. According to official election returns, more than 90 percent of registered voters went to the polls; however, independent NGOs estimated that the actual turnout was closer to 30 percent. <\/p>\n
The elections were characterized by notable irregularities, such as voter intimidation. A coalition of three local independent NGOs (LTDH, CNLT, and the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women) cited a lack of media access by opposition candidates during the campaign period, and media bias in favor of the ruling party as serious problems. Opposition candidates and other observers also cited voter intimidation, restrictions on disseminating campaign materials and organizing campaign events, the ruling party’s domination of state institutions, and political activity which precluded credible and competitive electoral challenges from unsanctioned actors. <\/p>\n
The Electoral Code significantly limits the number of individuals eligible to run for president. A candidate must be Muslim, and must receive the endorsement of 30 sitting deputies or municipal council presidents to be eligible to run. <\/p>\n
On August 31, the Government formed a body called the National Election Observatory, whose members were to include \u00ab\u00a0national figures known for their competence, experience, and independence.\u00a0\u00bb The Observatory was tasked with monitoring all stages of the October 24 elections, and was to report directly to President Ben Ali. However, independent human rights activists complained that the real purpose of the Observatory was to co-opt foreign observers, and reduce pressure to allow independent groups to monitor both the elections and their preparation. <\/p>\n
The ruling party has maintained power continuously since the country gained its independence in 1956. It dominates the Cabinet, the Chamber of Deputies, and regional and local governments. The President appoints the Prime Minister, the Cabinet, and the 24 governors. The Government and the party are closely integrated, and current and former senior government officials constitute the top ranks of the RCD. The President of the Republic is also the president of the party, and the party’s vice president and secretary general each hold the rank of minister. All the members of the RCD politburo hold ministerial rank based on their current or former government service. <\/p>\n
RCD membership conferred tangible advantages. For example, there were widespread reports that children of RCD members were much more likely to receive scholarships and housing preferences at school. RCD members also were much more likely to receive small business permits and waivers on zoning restrictions. <\/p>\n
To mitigate the advantages wielded by the ruling party, the Electoral Code reserves 20 percent of seats in the Chamber of Deputies (37 of 189) for the 7 officially recognized opposition parties, and distributes them on a proportional basis to those parties that won at least a single directly elected district seat. Five of the opposition parties gained seats under that provision in the October 24 elections. The RCD continued to hold the remaining 152 seats. Since opposition parties have been unsuccessful in their attempts to raise money from private contributors, the Government partially funded their campaigns. For the elections, each party represented in the Chamber of Deputies received a public subsidy of approximately $42,000 (60,000 dinars), plus an additional payment of $3,500 (5,000 dinars) per deputy. Opposition newspapers had difficulty finding sources of advertising revenue, so the Government gave each one up to $105,000 (120,000 dinars). The Government provided 3 minutes of airtime for a representative of each legislative list, and 5 minutes of airtime for each presidential candidate, in addition to limited coverage of political party meetings following the main nightly news program; however, there were reports that the statements of opposition representative were not shown on TV at all. Opposition parties were allocated equal space on bulletin boards placed in most neighborhoods for the elections. <\/p>\n
By law, the Government does not permit the establishment of political parties on the basis of religion, language, race, or gender. The government has used the prohibition to continue to outlaw the Islamist An-Nahdha party and to prosecute suspected members for \u00ab\u00a0membership in an illegal organization\u00a0\u00bb (see Sections 2.b. and 2.c.). The Government refused to recognize the creation of the Tunisian Green Party, which applied for registration with the Government on April 26 (see Section 2.b.). <\/p>\n
Prior to the October 24 elections, several opposition leaders protested the country’s 2002 referendum vote, which amended half of the Constitution, questioning the legitimacy of the amendments, including the provision that allowed President Ben Ali to run for an additional term of office. Others noted the inconsistent application of the amendments, such as the Government’s failure to create the new upper house of the country’s legislature, the Chamber of Advisors, even 2 years after the referendum. The Government stated that, \u00ab\u00a0the spirit and import of the reforms cannot come down to some of its provisions, given their wide range and diversity.\u00a0\u00bb For example, it cited laudable provisions that in theory increased the power of the judiciary and legislative branch relative to the executive. <\/p>\n
Corruption in the Government existed. On March 17, the Minister of Interior announced the creation of the \u00ab\u00a0Higher Institute of Security Forces and Customs,\u00a0\u00bb tasked not only with \u00ab\u00a0reinforcing human rights and improving law enforcement,\u00a0\u00bb but also reducing corruption. There were no public reports of the organization’s subsequent activities. There also were episodes involving petty corruption with the security forces, in particular the solicitation of bribes by police at traffic stops (see Section 1.d.). <\/p>\n
On a number of occasions, President Ben Ali expressed the desire to increase the level of representation of women in the Government to 25 percent. In April, he appointed Tunisia’s first female governor. There were 43 women in the 189-seat legislature. Two of the 25 ministers, and 5 of the 20 secretaries of state were women. More than one-fifth of municipal council members were women. Three women served as presidents of chambers on the Supreme Court. Two women served on the 15-member Higher Council of the Magistracy. The September 7 by-elections in a governorate on the outskirts of Tunis were one of the first elections held in the country without gender segregation at polling stations. <\/p>\n
Section 4 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights <\/p>\n
Domestic and international groups were able to investigate and publish their findings on human rights cases; however, the Government sought to discourage investigations of human rights abuses. According to the Government, there were more than 8,000 NGOs in the country. The vast majority was devoted exclusively to social and economic development issues. There were approximately one dozen domestic human rights NGOs, although only half were authorized. The Government met with registered domestic human rights NGOs, and responded to their inquiries; however, it also harassed, targeted, and prosecuted some of them. Human rights activists and lawyers complained of frequent interruptions of postal and telephone services (see Section 1.f.). <\/p>\n
The LTDH was one of the most active independent advocacy organizations, with 41 branches throughout the country. The organization received and investigated complaints and protested abuses. According to diplomatic representatives, the Government continued to block a European Union grant to the LTDH, citing a law on NGO financing that includes broad prohibitions on funding of NGOs without Government approval. <\/p>\n
Other independent human rights NGOs included: the legally registered Arab Human Rights Institute; the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women (ATFD); the unregistered AISPP; and the ALTT. <\/p>\n
Since 1998, the Government has refused to authorize the CNLT’s registration as an NGO. The CNLT issued statements sharply criticizing the Government’s human rights practices. Government officials accused CNLT members of violating the pro forma submission requirements by publishing communiqu\u00e9s without prior government approval (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
During the year, significant numbers of RCD members continued attempts to join independent NGOs, such as the LTDH and other civil society groups, with the apparent intent of eventually gaining control of the NGOs through elections. In some cases they used the NGOs’ own bylaws, while in other cases they exploited a provision of the country’s law on associations that requires \u00ab\u00a0organizations of a general character\u00a0\u00bb to grant membership to all who apply. This strategy brought mixed results, but it could achieve eventual success, especially since the number of independent NGOs was relatively low. <\/p>\n
During the year, the Government deterred several foreign NGOs from visiting the country to work on election monitoring projects. The Government cited the country’s October 24 elections as an especially sensitive time that precluded controversial visits. The Government also sought to control and monitor the activities of some foreign NGOs within the country. <\/p>\n
The ICRC maintained a regional office in the country. During the year, the Government entered into discussions with ICRC representatives over granting the ICRC access to the country’s prisons; however, no agreement was reached during the year (see Section 1.c). <\/p>\n
The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights has the lead on government policy on human rights issues in the country. There were also human rights offices in other ministries. The Ministry did not release any public reports of cases or investigations. A government-appointed and funded body, the Higher Commission on Human Rights and Basic Freedoms, addressed, and sometimes resolved, human rights complaints. The Higher Commission submitted confidential reports directly to President Ben Ali. The Government maintained several human rights websites, which promoted the country’s human rights record; however, it continued to block access to the sites of domestic human rights organizations (see Section 2.a.). <\/p>\n
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Disability, Language, or Social Status <\/p>\n
The Constitution provides that all citizens are equal before the law, and the Government generally respected these rights. Legal discrimination was not pervasive; however, in some areas such as inheritance and family law, Based-based provisions in the civil code adversely affected women. <\/p>\n
Women <\/p>\n
Violence against women occurred, however, there were no comprehensive statistics to measure its extent. Police officers and the courts tended to regard domestic violence as a problem to be handled by the family. Nonetheless, there are stiff penalties for spousal abuse. Both the fine and imprisonment for battery or violence committed by a spouse or family member are double those for the same crimes committed by an unrelated individual. The National Union of Tunisian Women (UNFT) is a government-sponsored organization that ran a center to assist women and children in difficulty, and has undertaken national educational campaigns for women. The UNFT reported that their shelter handled 1,000 cases during the year. The Tunisian Democratic Women’s Association (ATFD) was active in debating and publicizing women\u2019s issues, and also operated a counseling center for women who were victims of domestic violence. The ATFD reported that their shelter assisted approximately 1,000 women. The Center for Studies, Research, Documentation, and Information on Women (CREDIF), a government research organization, reports official information on women’s issues. <\/p>\n
The Penal Code specifically prohibits rape. There is no legal exception to this law for spousal rape; however, in part due to social stigma, there were no reports of spousal rape being prosecuted. The penalty for rape with the use of violence or threat with a weapon is the death sentence. For all other rape cases, the penalty is life imprisonment. <\/p>\n
The Penal Code prohibits prostitution; however, charges against individuals were rare. Prostitution was not a problem. The penalty for prostitution is up to two years in prison. The law applies to both women and men and their accomplices. There were no reported cases of trafficking or forced prostitution involving women. <\/p>\n
The 2003 razorblade attacks, in which the victims were women supposedly chosen because they dressed immodestly, stopped after the arrest of two alleged perpetrators in 2003. No information was available about the status of those arrested. If convicted, the Penal Code stipulates a penalty of up to 5 years in prison for violence and use of a knife or razorblade. <\/p>\n
Sexual harassment occurred; however, there was no comprehensive data to measure its extent. On August 2, the Chamber of Deputies passed the country’s first law making sexual harassment a criminal offense; however, the Government subsequently suspended the law after civil society groups vociferously criticized it. The law would have instituted sentences of 1 year in prison and a fine of $2,500 (3,000 dinars) for individuals convicted of \u00ab\u00a0publicly insulting acceptable standards of good behavior by gesture or speech.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
Women enjoy substantial rights, and the Government advanced those rights in the areas of property ownership practices and support to divorced women. Women comprised approximately 30 percent of the work force. The law explicitly requires equal pay for equal work, and although there were no statistics comparing the average earnings of men and women, anecdotal evidence indicated that women and men performing the same work received the same wages. In 2003, there were an estimated 2,000 businesses headed by women. A slight majority of university students were women. There was a marked difference in female literacy rates by age. According to UN statistics, the rate of female literacy for those between the ages of 6 and 30 was over 90 percent. Female literacy for those over 50 was 10 percent.<\/p>\n
Women served in high levels of the Government as cabinet ministers and secretaries of state, comprising more than 13 percent of the total, and President Ben Ali appointed the country’s first female governor in April (see Section 3). Women constituted 37 percent of the civil service and 24 percent of the nation’s total jurists. However, women still faced societal and economic discrimination in certain categories of private sector employment. <\/p>\n
Codified civil law is based on the Napoleonic code; however, judges often used Shari’ a as a basis for customary law in family and inheritance. Most property acquired during marriage, including property acquired solely by the wife, is held in the name of the husband. Muslim women are not permitted to marry outside their religion. Marriages of Muslim women to non-Muslim men abroad are considered common-law, and are voided when the couple returns to the country. Application of inheritance law continued to discriminate against women, and there was a double standard based on gender and religion: Non-Muslim women and Muslim men who are married may not inherit from each other. The Government considers all children from those marriages to be Muslim, and forbids those children from inheriting anything from their mothers. Female citizens can convey citizenship rights to their children whether the father is a citizen or not. <\/p>\n
In February, the Government launched a morality campaign invoking a 1940 law penalizing \u00ab\u00a0immoral behavior\u00a0\u00bb that observers said primarily affected women. There were reports that women were detained for wearing jeans that police judged too tight, for holding hands with men in public, and for driving with young men \u00ab\u00a0without authorization.\u00a0\u00bb According to newspaper reports, hundreds of citizens (both men and women) were sentenced to prison terms varying from 4 to 12 months for \u00ab\u00a0immoral behavior.\u00a0\u00bb <\/p>\n
The Ministry for Women’s Affairs, Family, Children and Senior Citizens, has undertaken several national media campaigns to promote awareness of women\u2019s rights. Nearly two-thirds of its budget is devoted to ensuring the legal rights of women, while simultaneously improving their socioeconomic status. The Government supported and funded the UNFT, the CREDIF, and women’s professional associations. Several NGOs focused, in whole or in part, on women’s advocacy and research in women’s issues, and a number of attorneys represented women in domestic cases. <\/p>\n
Children <\/p>\n
The Government demonstrated a strong commitment to free and universal public education, which is compulsory from age 6 to 16 years. According to UNICEF, 95 percent of boys and 93 percent of girls were in primary school, and approximately 73 percent of boys and 76 percent of girls were in secondary school. During the year, female students graduated from secondary school at a higher rate than male counterparts. There were schools for religious groups (see Section 2.c.). The Government sponsored an immunization program targeting preschool-age children, and reported that more than 95 percent of children were vaccinated. Male and female students received equal access to medical care. <\/p>\n
Penalties for convictions for abandonment and assault on minors were severe. There was no societal pattern of abuse of children. <\/p>\n
There were two ministries responsible for rights of children: the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Family, and Childhood, and the Ministry of Culture, Youth, and Leisure. Each had secretaries of state responsible for safeguarding the rights of children. <\/p>\n
Trafficking in Persons <\/p>\n
The Law prohibits trafficking in persons, and there were no reports that persons were trafficked to, from, or within the country. <\/p>\n
On January 27, the legislature approved amendments to the 1975 law on passports and travel documents. The law includes provisions for sentencing convicted traffickers to prison terms of 3 to 20 years, and fines of $67,000 to $83,000 (80,000 to 100,000 dinars). The amendments brought national law into conformance with the international protocol agreement on trafficking of persons. The Government was also prepared to use provisions of the penal code to combat trafficking should the need arise. For example, traffickers could be prosecuted under laws prohibiting forced displacement of persons. Current law also prohibits slavery and bonded labor. <\/p>\n
The Ministry of Interior and Local Development and the Ministry of Social Affairs, Solidarity and Tunisians Abroad were the agencies responsible for anti-trafficking efforts. Since trafficking was not a problem, there were no specific government campaigns to prevent trafficking. <\/p>\n
Persons with Disabilities <\/p>\n
There was little discrimination against persons with disabilities in employment, education, access to health care, or in the provision of other state services. The law prohibits such discrimination, and mandates that at least 1 percent of public and private sector jobs be reserved for persons with disabilities. The law also specifically prohibits discrimination against persons with mental disabilities. All public buildings constructed since 1991 must be accessible to persons with physical disabilities, and the Government generally enforced these provisions. The Government issued special cards to persons with disabilities for benefits such as unrestricted parking, priority medical services, preferential seating on public transportation, and consumer discounts. The Government provided tax incentives to companies to encourage the hiring of persons with physical disabilities. The Government strongly supported NGOs working to help persons with disabilities. <\/p>\n
Several active NGOs provided educational, vocational, and recreational assistance to children and young adults with mental disabilities. The Government and international organizations funded several programs. The Ministry of Social Affairs, Solidarity and Tunisians Abroad was responsible for protecting the rights of persons with disabilities. <\/p>\n
Section 6 Worker Rights <\/p>\n
a. The Right of Association <\/p>\n
The Constitution and the Labor Code provide workers the right to organize and form unions, and the Government generally respected this right in practice. The General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT) is the country’s only labor federation. There are some unauthorized, independent trade unions: The Democratic Confederation for Labor and the Tunisian Journalists Syndicate. Approximately 30 percent of the work force belonged to the UGTT, including civil servants and employees of state-owned enterprises, and a considerably larger proportion of the work force was covered by union contracts. A union may be dissolved only by court order. <\/p>\n
The UGTT and its member unions were legally independent of the Government and the ruling party; however, they operated under regulations that restricted their freedom of action. The UGTT membership included persons associated with all political tendencies. There were credible reports that the UGTT received substantial government subsidies to supplement modest union dues; however, UGTT leaders stated that their only funding came from modest union dues, and revenue from an insurance company and hotel owned by the union. Union members and their families received additional support from the National Social Security Account (CNSS). The Government has provided the UGTT with land for its new headquarters and support for its construction. The central UGTT leadership generally cooperated with the Government regarding its economic reform program. Throughout the year the UGTT board showed some independence regarding economic and social issues, and in support of greater democracy. The UGTT supported the LTDH, and allowed LTDH regional chapters to use UGTT facilities for conferences and meetings. <\/p>\n
The law prohibits antiunion discrimination by employers; however, the UGTT claimed that there was antiunion activity among private sector employers, such as the firing of union activists and using temporary workers to avoid unionization. In certain industries, such as textiles, hotels, and construction, temporary workers accounted for a large majority of the work force. The Labor Code protects temporary workers, but enforcement was more difficult than in the case of permanent workers. A committee chaired by an officer from the Labor Inspectorate of the Office of the Inspector General approved all worker dismissals. The committee is composed of representatives from the Ministry of Social Affairs, Solidarity and Tunisians Abroad, the UGTT, and the company dismissing the worker. <\/p>\n
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively <\/p>\n
The law protects the right to organize and bargain collectively, and the Government protected this right in practice. Wages and working conditions are set in triennial negotiations between the UGTT member unions and employers. Forty-seven collective bargaining agreements set standards for industries in the private sector, and covered 80 percent of the total private sector workforce. The Government’s role in private sector negotiations was minimal, consisting mainly of lending its good offices as a mediator if talks stalled; however, the Government must approve, but may not modify, all agreements. Once approved, the agreements are binding on both union and nonunion workers in the line of work that they cover. The UGTT also negotiated wages and work conditions of civil servants and employees of state-owned enterprises. The Government was the partner in such negotiations. The 2002-03 triennial labor negotiations with the UGTT and the Union of Tunisian Employers (UTICA), the private sector employer’s association, resulted in a compromise of a 5 percent wage increase in most sectors. <\/p>\n
Unions, including those representing civil servants, have the right to strike, provided that they give 10 days advance notice to the UGTT, and it grants approval. The ICFTU has characterized the requirement for prior UGTT approval of strikes as a violation of worker rights; however, such advance approval rarely was sought in practice. There were numerous short-lived strikes over failure by employers to fulfill contract provisions regarding pay and conditions, and over efforts by employers to impede union activities. While the majority of the strikes technically were illegal, the Government did not prosecute workers for illegal strike activity, and the strikes were reported objectively in the press. The law prohibited retribution against strikers. Labor disputes were settled through conciliation panels in which labor and management are represented equally. Tripartite regional arbitration commissions settle industrial disputes when conciliation fails. <\/p>\n
There were export-processing zones (EPZs) in the country. Organization and collective bargaining rights were not denied by law or practice in EPZs, nor were there any special laws or exemptions of regular labor laws for these zones. <\/p>\n
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor <\/p>\n
The law prohibits forced and compulsory labor, including by children, and there were no reports that such practices occurred. However, some parents of teenage girls placed their daughters as domestic servants and collected their wages (see Section 6.d.). <\/p>\n
d. Status of Child Labor Practices and Minimum Age for Employment <\/p>\n
Child labor did not pose a significant problem. The minimum age for employment was 16 years, and was consistent with the age for completing educational requirement (see Section 5). The minimum age for light work in the non-industrial and agricultural sectors, during non-school hours, was 13 years. Workers between the ages of 14 and 18 must have 12 hours of rest per day, which must include the hours between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. In nonagricultural sectors, children between the ages of 14 and 16 years may work no more than 2 hours per day. The total time that children spend in school and work may not exceed 7 hours per day. The minimum age for hazardous or manual labor is 18 years. <\/p>\n
The Government adhered to the standards of International Labor Organization Convention 182, and enacted regulations concerning the \u00ab\u00a0worst forms of child labor\u00a0\u00bb and \u00ab\u00a0hazardous\u00a0\u00bb work. Inspectors of the Ministry of Social Affairs and Solidarity examined the records of employees to verify that employers complied with the minimum age law. Nonetheless, as in most agricultural economies, young children sometimes performed agricultural work in rural areas, and worked as vendors in towns, primarily during their summer vacation from school. There were no reports of sanctions against employers. <\/p>\n
Child labor existed in the informal sector, disguised as apprenticeship, particularly in the handicraft industry, and in the cases of teenage girls whose families placed them as domestic servants. There was no reliable data on the extent of this phenomenon. <\/p>\n
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work <\/p>\n
The Labor Code provides for a range of administratively determined minimum wages, which are set by a commission of representatives from the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Social Affairs, Solidarity and Tunisians Abroad, and the Ministry of Development and International Cooperation, in consultation with the UGTT and the UTICA, and approved by the President. In July, the industrial minimum wage was raised to $173 (218 dinars) per month for a 48-hour workweek and to $151 (189 dinars) per month for a 40-hour workweek. The agricultural daily minimum wage is $5.66 (7 dinars) per day for \u00ab\u00a0specialized\u00a0\u00bb agricultural workers and $5.94 (7 dinars) per day for \u00ab\u00a0qualified\u00a0\u00bb agricultural workers. With the addition of transportation and family allowances, the minimum wage provided a decent standard of living for a worker and family; however, that income was only enough to cover essential costs. In addition, the more than 500,000 workers were employed in the informal sector, which was not covered by labor laws. <\/p>\n
Regional labor inspectors were responsible for enforcing standards related to hourly wage regulations. They inspected most firms approximately once every 2 years. However, the Government often had difficulty enforcing the minimum wage law, particularly in non-unionized sectors of the economy. <\/p>\n
The Labor Code sets a standard 48-hour workweek for most sectors and requires one 24-hour rest period per week. <\/p>\n
The Ministry of Social Affairs, Solidarity and Tunisians Abroad had responsibility for enforcing health and safety standards in the workplace. There were special government regulations covering hazardous occupations like mining, petroleum engineering, and construction. Working conditions and standards tended to be better in firms that were export oriented than in those producing exclusively for the domestic market. Workers were free to remove themselves from dangerous situations without jeopardizing their employment, and they could take legal action against employers who retaliated against them for exercising this right. <\/p>\n
The few foreign workers in the country had the same protections as citizen workers. <\/p>\n
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Rencontre de solidarit\u00e9 \u00e0 Tunis avec des journalistes d\u00e9tenus ou enlev\u00e9s<\/font><\/h4>\n
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AFP, le 25.02.2005 \u00e0 19<\/span>h<\/span>48<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 TUNIS, 25 f\u00e9v (AFP) – La Ligue tunisienne des droits de l’Homme\u00a0 (LTDH) a d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 la d\u00e9tention en Espagne du correspondant de la\u00a0 cha\u00eene qatariote Al-Jazira, Tayssir Allouni et le rapt en Irak des\u00a0 journalistes fran\u00e7aise Florence Aubenas et italienne Giuliana\u00a0 Sgrenales. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le pr\u00e9sident de la LTDH, Mokhtar Trifi, a demand\u00e9 leur\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0lib\u00e9ration imm\u00e9diate\u00a0\u00bb, lors d’une rencontre organis\u00e9e vendredi \u00e0\u00a0 Tunis en solidarit\u00e9 avec les trois journalistes. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Il a estim\u00e9 que la d\u00e9tention provisoire de M. Allouni n’\u00e9tait\u00a0 pas justifi\u00e9e, \u00ab\u00a0les accusations retenues \u00e0 son encontre n’\u00e9tant pas\u00a0 fond\u00e9es\u00a0\u00bb, ajoutant que ses liens pr\u00e9sum\u00e9s avec Al-Qa\u00efda \u00e9taient\u00a0 motiv\u00e9s par des exigences professionnelles. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Espagnol d’origine syrienne, le journaliste inculp\u00e9 par le juge\u00a0 espagnol Baltasar Garzon de liens avec le r\u00e9seau terroriste\u00a0 d’Al-Qa\u00efda, s’\u00e9tait rendu c\u00e9l\u00e8bre par son interview d’Oussama ben\u00a0 Laden apr\u00e8s les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 et sa couverture de\u00a0 la campagne am\u00e9ricano-britannique en Afghanistan. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span> Participant \u00e0 la rencontre, l’opposant tunisien Hamma Hammami a\u00a0 lou\u00e9 les qualit\u00e9s professionnelles de M. Allouni et estim\u00e9 qu’il\u00a0 avait \u00e9t\u00e9 inqui\u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 cause de ses origines. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Relayant un appel \u00e0 la lib\u00e9ration des deux journalistes enlev\u00e9s\u00a0 en Irak, M. Trifi a not\u00e9 que le rapt de journalistes desservait \u00ab\u00a0la\u00a0 r\u00e9sistance irakienne\u00a0\u00bb. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Florence Aubenas, du quotidien Lib\u00e9ration, a disparu le 5\u00a0 janvier \u00e0 Bagdad avec son guide, Hussein Hanoun al-Saadi et Giuliana\u00a0 Sgrena, envoy\u00e9e sp\u00e9ciale du journal Il Manifesto en Irak, a \u00e9t\u00e9\u00a0 enlev\u00e9e le 4 f\u00e9vrier. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 La rencontre a \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9galement consacr\u00e9e au soutien du journaliste\u00a0 et ancien d\u00e9tenu islamiste tunisien, Abdallah Zouari, en gr\u00e8ve de la\u00a0 faim durant 32 jours pour exiger la fin d’une mesure d’\u00e9loignement\u00a0 administratif dans le sud-tunisien, loin de sa famille r\u00e9sidant \u00e0\u00a0 Tunis. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le pr\u00e9sident de la LTDH a annonc\u00e9 que M. Zouari, hospitalis\u00e9,\u00a0 avait suspendu vendredi son je\u00fbne. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Une association tunisienne nie l’existence de d\u00e9tenus politiques en Tunisie<\/span><\/font><\/h4>\n
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AFP, le 25.02.2005 \u00e0 20<\/font><\/span>h<\/span><\/font>05<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/span><\/h6>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 TUNIS, 25 f\u00e9v (AFP) – Une association tunisienne proche du\u00a0 gouvernement a ni\u00e9 vendredi l’existence de d\u00e9tenus politiques en\u00a0 Tunisie, critiquant les propos de s\u00e9nateurs am\u00e9ricains ayant \u00e9voqu\u00e9\u00a0 le sort \u00ab\u00a0quelque 500 prisonniers politiques\u00a0\u00bb dans les prisons\u00a0 tunisiennes. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Dans un communiqu\u00e9 transmis \u00e0 l’AFP, l’Association des victimes\u00a0 du terrorisme (ATVT) affirme que \u00ab\u00a0semblable m\u00e9prise de la part d’une\u00a0 d\u00e9l\u00e9gation officielle d’un pays ami, revient \u00e0 ignorer le sort des\u00a0 victimes pour plaider la cause de terroristes\u00a0\u00bb. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 La d\u00e9l\u00e9gation am\u00e9ricaine compos\u00e9e de quatre s\u00e9nateurs dont le\u00a0 r\u00e9publicain John Mc Cain, avait indiqu\u00e9 jeudi avoir discut\u00e9 \u00ab\u00a0en\u00a0 amis\u00a0\u00bb avec le pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali de dossiers \u00ab\u00a0sensibles\u00a0\u00bb tels que les\u00a0 droits de l’Homme, les visites de prisons, la d\u00e9mocratisation et la\u00a0 lutte contre le terrorisme. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0Le pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali nous a d\u00e9clar\u00e9 qu’il n’existe pas de\u00a0 d\u00e9tenus politiques en Tunisie, mais d’apr\u00e8s nos informations quelque\u00a0 500 prisonniers politiques croupissent dans les prisons\u00a0\u00bb, avait\u00a0 d\u00e9clar\u00e9 \u00e0 la presse le s\u00e9nateur d\u00e9mocrate Russ Feingold. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 M. Feingold faisait r\u00e9f\u00e9rence aux d\u00e9tenus islamistes condamn\u00e9s\u00a0 par des tribunaux militaires au d\u00e9but des ann\u00e9es 1990 et auxquels\u00a0 les autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes n’accordent pas le statut de prisonniers\u00a0 d’opinion. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L’ATVT rappelle que \u00ab\u00a0les autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes ont assur\u00e9 \u00e0\u00a0 maintes reprises qu’il n’y avait pas de d\u00e9tenus d’opinion dans les\u00a0 prisons tunisiennes, mais des terroristes jug\u00e9s et condamn\u00e9s, lors\u00a0 de proc\u00e8s r\u00e9guliers\u00a0\u00bb. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Cette association dirig\u00e9e par l’avocat Habib Achour s’est fait\u00a0 conna\u00eetre par son rejet des critiques d’organisations\u00a0 internationales de d\u00e9fense des droits de l’Homme \u00e0 l’encontre du\u00a0 pouvoir en place. <\/span> <\/p>\n
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Entretiens Tunisie-OLP sur les territoires palestiniens \u00e0 Tunis<\/font><\/h4>\n
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AFP, le 28 f\u00e9vrier 2005 \u00e0 13:34:36 Le ministre tunisien des Affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res, Abdelbaki Hermassi, s’est entretenu lundi de la situation dans les territoires palestiniens avec Yasser Abdrabbou, membre du comit\u00e9 ex\u00e9cutif de l’Organisation de Lib\u00e9ration de la Palestine (OLP), apprend-on officiellement \u00e0 Tunis. \u00ab\u00a0L’entretien a port\u00e9 sur les d\u00e9veloppements dans les territoires apr\u00e8s la formation du nouveau gouvernement auquel est confi\u00e9e une lourde mission et les moyens de soutenir l’Autorit\u00e9 palestinienne dans cette \u00e9tape transitoire, \u00e0 la veille de la r\u00e9union internationale de Londres\u00a0\u00bb, selon l’agence TAP. La conf\u00e9rence de Londres sur les r\u00e9formes palestiniennes s’ouvre mardi en pr\u00e9sence du pr\u00e9sident de l’Autorit\u00e9 palestinienne Mahmoud Abbas, du secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de l’Onu Kofi Annan, de la secr\u00e9taire d’Etat am\u00e9ricaine Condoleezza Rice et des chefs de la diplomatie d’une vingtaine de pays. MM. Hermassi et Abdrabbou ont \u00e9galement \u00e9voqu\u00e9 le prochain sommet arabe pr\u00e9vu les 22 et 23 mars en Alg\u00e9rie. \u00ab\u00a0La rencontre a \u00e9t\u00e9 l’occasion de r\u00e9it\u00e9rer la position constante de soutien de la Tunisie au peuple palestinien fr\u00e8re et \u00e0 tous les efforts d\u00e9ploy\u00e9s pour lui permettre de r\u00e9aliser ses objectifs nationaux l\u00e9gitimes: \u00e9tablissement d’un Etat ind\u00e9pendant et la pleine souverainet\u00e9 sur son territoire\u00a0\u00bb, conclut la TAP. <\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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DES DESTOURIENS DEMOCRATES REVELENT ET DENONCENT LES DERIVES ET LES CRIMES DE BEN ALI ET DE SON SYSTEME<\/strong><\/font><\/p>\n
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Nous, membres du RCD, avons, en toute lucidit\u00e9 et conscience, d\u00e9cid\u00e9 de ne plus\u00a0 nous complaire dans une attitude de subordination et de silence par rapport aux m\u00e9faits, d\u00e9rives et crimes que, en notre nom et au nom de dizaines de milliers de militants sinc\u00e8res, int\u00e8gres et patriotes du RCD, une clique de voyous, couverte et adoub\u00e9e par Zine Al Abidine en personne, est en train de commettre, en toute arrogance, morgue et impunit\u00e9, contre la nation, contre ses acquis et contre son int\u00e9grit\u00e9 m\u00eame. <\/span><\/p>\n
Nous traduisons, ce faisant, les sentiments intimes et vrais de l\u2019\u00e9crasante majorit\u00e9 des militants du RCD qui ne se reconnaissent ni dans les pratiques de gouvernement m\u00e9diocres, mesquines et m\u00e9prisantes que Ben Ali a institu\u00e9es depuis le 7 novembre, ni dans son comportement d\u2019homme qui a fait du mensonge un vecteur d\u2019action et de l\u2019illicite enrichissement personnel (pour lui-m\u00eame, nous disons bien pour lui-m\u00eame) un credo de vie. <\/span><\/p>\n
Nous\u00a0 nous consid\u00e9rons comme\u00a0 les h\u00e9ritiers\u00a0 d\u2019un mouvement politique authentiquement populaire, nationaliste, r\u00e9formateur et moderniste \u00e0 qui la Tunisie doit l\u2019essentiel de ce qu\u2019elle \u00e9tait\u00a0 avant\u00a0 que le destin\u00a0 ne lui\u00a0 impose injustement un si long r\u00e8gne de Ben Ali. <\/span><\/p>\n
Si nous admettons volontiers que la d\u00e9rive du Combattant Supr\u00eame, l\u2019immortel leader Habib Bourguiba, vers un despotisme non \u00e9clair\u00e9,\u00a0\u00a0 depuis notamment le Congres du PSD de 1971 o\u00f9 il a coupablement confisqu\u00e9 la victoire du courant lib\u00e9ral du PSD, a gravement nui \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9volution naturelle du pays vers une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 plurielle et un r\u00e9gime d\u00e9mocratique,\u00a0 nous\u00a0 revendiquons, en revanche,\u00a0 une adh\u00e9rence inconditionnelle \u00e0 tous les autres choix authentiquement r\u00e9formistes, progressistes et populaires que Bourguiba a eu le g\u00e9nie de faire \u00e0 temps et\u00a0 qui ont permis la sculpture d\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 nulle autre pareille,\u00a0 jusqu\u2019\u00e0 ce jour, dans le monde arabo-islamique.<\/span><\/p>\n
Nous nous d\u00e9finissons par cons\u00e9quent comme des destouriens d\u00e9mocrates \u00e0 l\u2019exemple de ceux qui nous ont pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9 dans cette voie, Ahmed Tlili, Ahmed Mestiri, Hassib Ben Ammar, Radhia Haddad, Mahmoud Messaadi, Beji Caied Essebsi, Mustapha Ben\u00a0 Jaafar, Bechir Ben Yahmed, Omar S\u2019habou, Mohammed Talbi, et bien d\u2019autres encore, ainsi que les continuateurs d\u2019une lign\u00e9e de grands serviteurs de l\u2019Etat, int\u00e8gres et patriotes comme Hedi Nouira, Bahi Ladgham, Mongi Slim, Taieb M\u2019hiri, Ahmed Ben Salah, Mansour Moalla, Rachid Sfar, Azzouz Mathari, Mohammed Jgham, Mohammed Ghannouchi, pour n\u2019en citer que les plus embl\u00e9matiques\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n
Que tous les authentiques patriotes et d\u00e9mocrates de notre pays sachent que l\u2019\u00e9crasante majorit\u00e9 des militants du RCD \u2013 il faut en exclure les thurif\u00e9raires, les mercenaires et les acolytes \u2013 sont dans un \u00e9tat d\u2019exasp\u00e9ration et de r\u00e9volte avanc\u00e9e et que leur apparente discipline actuelle n\u2019est que le reflet et la cons\u00e9quence du r\u00e9gime de terreur et de d\u00e9lation que Ben Ali a \u00e9tabli et dont les destouriens sont aussi\u00a0 les victimes. <\/span><\/p>\n
Fr\u00e9missements d\u2019exasp\u00e9ration <\/font><\/span><\/h4>\n
Un des exercices favoris actuels des militants destouriens quand ils se sentent \u00e0 l\u2019abri d\u2019un d\u00e9lateur des leurs, consiste \u00e0 s\u2019\u00e9changer les informations relatives aux derniers exploits des Trabelsi, des Ben Ali et des gendres de ce dernier en mati\u00e8re de pillage des richesses, des ressources et des moyens de production du pays. Les d\u00e9bats d\u2019id\u00e9es leur sont inconnus. Ils ne sont exhum\u00e9s- et encore\u00a0!- qu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019occasion des joutes \u00e9lectoralistes o\u00f9 tout s\u2019ach\u00e8te et se vend. <\/span><\/p>\n
Le forfait, inqualifiable, actuellement \u00e0 l\u2019ordre du jour des conversations inter-destouriennes dans la r\u00e9gion du Sahel principalement a trait \u00e0 l\u2019op\u00e9ration d\u2019appropriation par Belhassen Trabelsi, fr\u00e8re de Leila Ben Ali, et ses deux associ\u00e9s, Hamadi Touil et Hakim H\u2019mila, de la colline \u00e0 vocation agricole qui surplomb le port d\u2019El Kantaoui. Un espace f\u00e9erique avec vue imprenable comme on dit. <\/span> <\/p>\n
Premi\u00e8re phase\u00a0: les trois associ\u00e9s group\u00e9s en une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 de promotion immobili\u00e8re dont H\u2019mila est le g\u00e9rant ach\u00e8tent ce terrain de 34 hectares de ses propri\u00e9taires\u00a0pour 4 millions de dinars. On imagine mal un des propri\u00e9taires oser refuser de vendre sa parcelle \u00e0\u00a0 Belhassen Trabelsi. <\/span> <\/p>\n
Deuxi\u00e8me phase\u00a0: par d\u00e9cret rapidement d\u00e9cid\u00e9, rapidement con\u00e7u et rapidement promulgu\u00e9, le terrain est d\u00e9class\u00e9 et devient \u00e0 vocation\u00a0urbaine. <\/span><\/p>\n
Troisi\u00e8me phase\u00a0: l\u2019autorisation de lotissement qui prend, normalement, un d\u00e9lai de quelques ann\u00e9es, est consentie en trois mois seulement \u00e0 la soci\u00e9t\u00e9\u00a0: du coup la valeur du terrain acquiert une plus value \u00e9quivalente \u00e0 dix fois son prix de vente. <\/span><\/p>\n
Quatri\u00e8me phase\u00a0: aussit\u00f4t l\u2019autorisation du lotissement obtenue, Belhassen Trabelsi et Hamadi Touil qui ne font en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 qu\u2019une seule et m\u00eame personne – le deuxi\u00e8me servant de pr\u00eate nom au premier – vendent leur part \u00e0 H\u2019mila pour la bagatelle de 42 millions de dinars\u00a0! <\/span><\/p>\n
Bien entendu H\u2019mila ne d\u00e9boursera pas un seul millime pour payer ses deux associ\u00e9s. Il obtiendra sans aucune difficult\u00e9 un pr\u00eat bancaire cons\u00e9quent contre lequel il a donn\u00e9 un privil\u00e8ge consistant en un vieux d\u00e9p\u00f4t situ\u00e9 \u00e0 M\u2019saken et ne valant pas plus de 200000 dinars\u00a0! Ultime phase\u00a0: Zine est invit\u00e9 \u00e0 prendre connaissance du butin. <\/span><\/p>\n
Ayant eu vent de son arriv\u00e9e par la police routi\u00e8re qui a d\u00e9couvert sur l\u2019autoroute le convoi pr\u00e9sidentiel, les autorit\u00e9s r\u00e9gionales se sont mis en \u00e9tat d\u2019alerte et ont cru bon de se pr\u00e9parer \u00e0 l\u2019accueillir comme il se devait. <\/span> <\/p>\n
Peine perdue\u00a0: ils seront renvoy\u00e9s sans \u00e9gards \u00e0 leurs officines sous pr\u00e9texte que la visite \u00e9tait priv\u00e9e. <\/span> De fait elle l\u2019\u00e9tait. <\/span> Ben Ali y a acquis, \u00e0 titre de cadeau bien entendu, le plus beau lot d\u2019une surface d\u2019un hectare. Imagine-t-on- Habib Bourguiba, autorisant, couvrant et profitant d\u2019une op\u00e9ration typiquement mafieuse o\u00f9 les rouages de l\u2019Etat ont \u00e9t\u00e9 instrumentalis\u00e9s sans vergogne pour sa finalisation\u00a0? <\/span> <\/p>\n
Deuxi\u00e8me forfait qui fait les commentaires enrag\u00e9s – mais malheureusement impuissants- des destouriens\u00a0: l\u2019affaire de l\u2019h\u00f4tel \u00ab\u00a0Aldiana\u00a0\u00bb. Situ\u00e9 \u00e0 Djerba, il appartient \u00e0 la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 \u00ab\u00a0Tunis Air\u00a0\u00bb, laquelle, dans le cadre\u00a0 de sa\u00a0 restructuration \u00e0 la suite des d\u00e9ficits cumul\u00e9s qui ont failli la mettre \u00e0 genoux, a d\u00e9cid\u00e9 de le vendre. L\u2019avis d\u2019appel d\u2019offres a abouti \u00e0 la cession de l\u2019h\u00f4tel au plus offrant qui se trouvait \u00eatre l\u2019in\u00e9vitable Belhassen Trabelsi\u00a0 pour la somme de 9 milliards de dinars, d\u00e9passant d\u20191 million de dinars un autre acqu\u00e9reur potentiel. Aussit\u00f4t apr\u00e8s Belhassen proc\u00e8de dans l\u2019urgence \u00e0 une expertise pour \u00e9valuer la valeur r\u00e9elle de l\u2019h\u00f4tel qu\u2019il \u00e9tablira autoritairement \u00e0 3 millions de dinars seulement. <\/span> Il exige ensuite\u00a0 la convocation d\u2019un conseil interminist\u00e9riel aux fins de r\u00e9viser \u00e0 la baisse l\u2019op\u00e9ration de vente et de la valider au niveau \u00e9tabli par l\u2019expertise, soit 3 millions de dinars.<\/span><\/p>\n
Sadok Rabah alors ministre des transports et bien qu\u2019impliqu\u00e9 lui aussi dans plus d\u2019une illicite <\/span><\/p>\n
op\u00e9ration d\u2019enrichissement personnel, sans aucun doute exc\u00e9d\u00e9 par tant de rapine, refusa de cautionner l\u2019op\u00e9ration. R\u00e9sultat\u00a0: il n\u2019est plus ministre. Et la menace publiquement prof\u00e9r\u00e9e contre lui par Belhassen de le \u00ab\u00a0niquer\u00a0\u00bb s\u2019est accomplie. Nul doute que l\u2019op\u00e9ration va incessamment \u00eatre valid\u00e9e apr\u00e8s la nomination, \u00e0 cette fin,\u00a0 de Abderrahim Zouari, l\u2019homme \u00e0 tout faire de la clique, au minist\u00e8re du transport.\u00a0 <\/span> Et pour 3 millions de dinars comme l\u2019exige Belhassen, alors qu\u2019il y avait un acqu\u00e9reur bancable et imm\u00e9diat pour 8 millions de dinars. <\/span> Conclusion\u00a0: 5 millions de dinars ont gliss\u00e9 des caisses de l\u2019Etat aux poches de Belhassen Trabelsi\u00a0!!!<\/span><\/p>\n
Les agissements du nouveau venu dans ce cercle du mal, Sakhr Materi en l\u2019occurrence, \u00e9poux de Nesrine, fille de Leila, constitue une autre source d\u2019indignation, d\u2019irritation et d\u2019\u00e9chauffement des militants. Tout le monde sait que la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9tatique \u00ab\u00a0Ennakl\u00a0\u00bb qui commercialise la tr\u00e8s pris\u00e9e gamme de voitures de la maison \u00ab\u00a0Volkswagen\u00a0\u00bb, apr\u00e8s une\u00a0 solide op\u00e9ration de mise en valeur qui a co\u00fbt\u00e9 des dizaines de millions de dinars, lui a \u00e9t\u00e9 c\u00e9d\u00e9e pour la somme de 13 millions de dinars. <\/span><\/p>\n
Mais ce que personne ne sait, c\u2019est que le ch\u00e8que de 13 millions de dinars, remis au tr\u00e9sor public et\u00a0 tir\u00e9 sur la STB ( la banque de Leila, de ses fr\u00e8res, s\u0153urs, gendres, neveux et ni\u00e8ces) est en bois. Il ne sera pas pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019encaissement. C\u2019est la r\u00e8gle\u00a0: les Ben Ali, Trabelsi et consorts ne payent pas leurs fournisseurs qui doivent se suffire de l\u2019honneur d\u2019avoir parmi leurs clients un Ben Ali, un Trabelsi et, d\u00e9sormais, un Materi\u00a0!!! Ce qui n\u2019emp\u00eache nullement Sakhr de s\u2019exhiber, en toute arrogance, dans une insolente \u00ab\u00a0Bently\u00bb ( jumelle de Rolls Royce) argent\u00e9e, agressant et humiliant ainsi\u00a0 les centaines\u00a0 de milliers de tunisiens qui\u00a0 peinent pour joindre chaque mois les deux bouts ou les dizaines de milliers de ch\u00f4meurs et autres candidats au suicide\u2026.<\/span><\/p>\n
Sans parler des autres op\u00e9rations immobili\u00e8res\u00a0 devenues courantes, banales et qui traduisent en fait une\u00a0 comp\u00e9tition effr\u00e9n\u00e9e entre les uns et les autres pour qui a le plus beau palais, la plus co\u00fbteuse voiture et le plus solide compte bancaire. Au nez et \u00e0 la barbe d\u2019une opinion publique tunisienne parfaitement\u00a0 consciente et parfaitement bless\u00e9e dans sa citoyennet\u00e9. <\/span><\/p>\n
Derni\u00e8res op\u00e9rations immobili\u00e8res en date\u00a0: le palais que Ciryne Mabrouk, fille de Ben Ali s\u2019est fait construire sur le port punique \u00e0 cot\u00e9 de celui\u00a0 de Abdallah Kallel et enti\u00e8rement con\u00e7u et ex\u00e9cut\u00e9 par des italiens et avec des mat\u00e9riaux italiens. A lui seul le marbre a co\u00fbt\u00e9 pr\u00e8s d\u2019un million de dinars. Les documents bancaires attestant l\u2019op\u00e9ration le prouvent.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
Quant aux deux r\u00e9sidences de r\u00eave \u00e0 Hammamet que la famille \u00ab\u00a0Feuillates\u00a0\u00bb, qui a fait fortune dans le commerce des armes, poss\u00e8de \u00e0 Hammamet au bord de la mer, elles ont \u00e9t\u00e9 achet\u00e9es la premi\u00e8re par Dorsaf Ben Ali et Slim Chiboub\u00a0 pour 2 millions de dinars et la deuxi\u00e8me par Ciryne Ben Ali et son \u00e9poux Marouane Mabrouk\u00a0 pour cinq millions de dinars\u00a0 gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 un transfert parfaitement ill\u00e9gal par le biais de la Banque Centrale.<\/span><\/p>\n
La bastille se l\u00e9zarde\u2026<\/span><\/h4>\n
Comment voudrait-on que face \u00e0 ce fou d\u00e9ferlement de la d\u00e9mesure, de l\u2019outrance et de l\u2019insolence, une\u00a0 lame de fond de m\u00e9contentement et de sourde rage ne gagn\u00e2t pas non seulement l\u2019opinion publique tunisienne mais aussi le RCD dont les militants\u00a0 ne s\u2019y\u00a0 sont pas\u00a0 engag\u00e9s pour couvrir ce genre de crimes contre la nation\u00a0? Une rage sourde et donc impuissante\u00a0? Pas si sur\u00a0! De rentr\u00e9e, la rage commence \u00e0 s\u2019ext\u00e9rioriser. Et c\u2019est un fait d\u2019une\u00a0 grande signification que nous allons r\u00e9v\u00e9ler. <\/span> Il s\u2019agit du premier acte de d\u00e9sob\u00e9issance politique des militants contre un oukase de Zine et de sa femme. Celle-ci ayant propuls\u00e9 l\u2019une des\u00a0 animatrices de son association \u00ab\u00a0caritative\u00a0\u00bb \u00a0\u00ab\u00a0Basma\u00a0\u00bb, Secr\u00e9taire G\u00e9n\u00e9rale du Comit\u00e9 de Coordination de Ben Arous, les militants de la r\u00e9gion se sont dress\u00e9s comme un seul homme pour r\u00e9cuser cette nomination et sont all\u00e9s jusqu\u2019\u00e0 se barricader \u00e0 l\u2019int\u00e9rieur du si\u00e8ge du comit\u00e9 en signe de refus r\u00e9solu d\u2019une telle supercherie et d\u2019une telle insulte \u00e0 leur dignit\u00e9 de militants\u00a0! Et Ben Ali de reculer. <\/span> Il a surtout peur d\u2019une contagion. Mais\u00a0 ce signifiant fait d\u2019arme ne va pas manquer, \u00e0 coup sur, de faire t\u00e2che d\u2019huile tant le bouillonnement des militants, \u00e0 travers toute la r\u00e9publique, est \u00e0 son acn\u00e9.<\/span><\/p>\n
L\u2019appareil s\u00e9curitaire Pr\u00e9sidentiel qui conna\u00eet \u00e0 la loupe les plus infimes d\u00e9tails des tromperies de la Mafia n\u2019est pas en reste. Constitu\u00e9, pour l\u2019essentiel, de cadres et d\u2019agents issus du peuple – Ben Ali ne couvrant de privil\u00e8ges et d\u2019honneurs que les cadres sup\u00e9rieurs, avant de les jeter en p\u00e2ture – le corps de la police est d\u00e9sormais, lui aussi, travers\u00e9 de la m\u00eame\u00a0 lame de fond d\u2019exasp\u00e9ration. Surtout apr\u00e8s l\u2019innommable forfaiture qui a conduit Nabil Abid, haut cadre de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 Pr\u00e9sidentielle, en prison. <\/span> De quoi s\u2019agit-il\u00a0? <\/span><\/p>\n
Nabil Abid \u00e9tait jusqu\u2019\u00e0 sa toute r\u00e9cente m\u00e9saventure un des cadres les plus en vue du syst\u00e8me s\u00e9curitaire pr\u00e9sidentiel. Les militants islamistes le connaissent pour \u00eatre l\u2019un des plus impitoyables tortionnaires. C\u2019est dire qu\u2019il est impliqu\u00e9 jusqu\u2019\u00e0 la moelle des os dans un syst\u00e8me dont la survie conditionne la sienne propre.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
Et pourtant, il n\u2019avait pas pu r\u00e9primer un cri de r\u00e9volte et de d\u00e9sesp\u00e9rance quand il avait vu Leila Ben Ali clore la campagne officielle du candidat-pr\u00e9sident\u00a0 avec tous les \u00e9gards et les honneurs dus \u00e0 un homme d\u2019Etat alors qu\u2019il savait mieux que quiconque\u00a0 ce qu\u2019est\u00a0 et ce que fait Leila. En plus du fait que sur le plan statutaire et institutionnel elle n\u2019avait aucun titre\u00a0 qui la qualifie \u00e0 une telle posture \u00e9tatique. <\/span> \u00ab\u00a0C\u2019en est fini de la R\u00e9publique !\u00a0\u00bb\u00a0 <\/span> s\u2019est-il publiquement exclam\u00e9 \u00e0 la cl\u00f4ture\u00a0 du meeting\u2026 <\/span>Et c\u2019en sera fini aussi de sa \u00ab\u00a0brillante\u00bb carri\u00e8re\u00a0! <\/span> Il se retrouvera, quelques jours plus tard, derri\u00e8re les barreaux avec une charge de corruption sur la base d\u2019un dossier qui aura \u00e9t\u00e9 entre-temps savamment\u00a0 ficel\u00e9\u00a0! Un s\u00e9isme au vrai sens du mot frappera instantan\u00e9ment l\u2019appareil s\u00e9curitaire\u00a0 dont les ondes de choc parcourront toutes les strates de l\u2019\u00e9difice jusqu\u2019au bas de l\u2019\u00e9chelle. Hauts cadres, cadres et agents de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019Etat s\u2019\u00e9taient sentis du coup ins\u00e9curis\u00e9s\u00a0! Ce qui est le paradoxe m\u00eame. Nabil Abid l\u2019intouchable est touch\u00e9\u00a0! <\/span> <\/p>\n
Demain ce sera aussi leur tour,\u00a0 quel que soit le z\u00e8le\u00a0 dont ils puissent faire preuve\u00a0 au service de Ben ALI. D\u2019autant que le cas Abid est venu s\u2019ajouter \u00e0 une s\u00e9rie d\u2019autres cas similaires dont d\u2019\u00e9minents et respect\u00e9s cadres de la S\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019Etat auront \u00e9t\u00e9 les victimes, \u00e0 commencer par le plus illustre d\u2019entre eux, l\u2019int\u00e8gre et patriote chef\u00a0 de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 nationale, Mohammed Ali Mahjoubi connu sous le pseudonyme de Chedly Hammi, horriblement bris\u00e9 pour avoir justement attir\u00e9 l\u2019attention de Ben Ali -d\u00e9j\u00e0\u00a0!- sur les agissements de celle qui\u00a0 n\u2019\u00e9tait \u00e0 cette \u00e9poque que sa ma\u00eetresse\u00a0!<\/span><\/p>\n
Et la liste des bris\u00e9s est impressionnante\u00a0: Salah Laouani, Tawfik Dimassi, Ezzedine Jnayeh, Jalel Boudrigua, Khemaies Abdelgaffar, tous ont vu leur carri\u00e8re d\u00e9truite et leur dignit\u00e9 rabaiss\u00e9e pour avoir voulu \u00eatre autre chose que des ex\u00e9cutants des basses oeuvres\u00a0! L\u2019onde de choc \u00e9tait telle que Ben Ali a\u00a0 \u00e9t\u00e9 contraint quelques semaines seulement apr\u00e8s avoir\u00a0 mis Abid en prison de faire marche arri\u00e8re, de le lib\u00e9rer et de lui promettre quelques compensations\u00a0 financi\u00e8res et professionnelles mais en dehors du corps de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9.Il est actuellement en poste au Y\u00e9men\u2026\u00a0 <\/span> <\/p>\n
Le mal est fait toutefois\u00a0! Un mal qui s\u2019est, en fait, progressivement\u00a0 densifi\u00e9 au fur et \u00e0 mesure que Ben Ali multipliait les forfaits, les injustices et les d\u00e9cisions arbitraires et\u00a0 que, surtout, il couvrait\u00a0 les m\u00e9faits et les pillages de sa clique dont aucun d\u00e9tail n\u2019\u00e9chappaient aux agents de la s\u00e9curit\u00e9. C\u2019est la douleur de se sentir assimil\u00e9s \u00e0 des boucliers m\u00e9caniques d\u2019une mafia qui\u00a0 leur devient de plus en plus insupportable. Et voici que, supr\u00eame humiliation, on nomme \u00e0 la t\u00eate de leur Minist\u00e8re un\u00a0 anonyme petit fonctionnaire dont la seule r\u00e9f\u00e9rence connue avant d\u2019avoir \u00e9t\u00e9 longtemps conseiller de Ben Ali au Palais de Carthage, ( conseiller en quoi\u00a0? Nul ne le sait) pr\u00e9sident du comit\u00e9 culturel de B\u00e9ja\u00a0!!! M. Rafik Bel Haj Kacem, en l\u2019occurrence\u00a0! Sans parler de la ris\u00e9e qui a saisi la masse des militants \u00e0 l\u2019annonce de la nomination de Abdelbaki Hermassi comme Ministre des Affaires Etrang\u00e8res et pour occuper le fauteuil que Mongi Slim, Habib Bourguiba jr, Mohammed Masmoudi, Habib Chatty en tre autres\u00a0 avaient, avec le brio que l\u2019on sait, honor\u00e9 avant lui\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n
Il ne serait pas exag\u00e9r\u00e9 d\u2019affirmer que d\u00e9sormais un rapport de d\u00e9fiance semble s\u2019\u00eatre irr\u00e9m\u00e9diablement\u00a0 install\u00e9 entre Ben Ali et la Police. Une preuve\u00a0? Sait-on que lorsqu\u2019il lui arrive – de plus en plus rarement tant il est\u00a0 habit\u00e9 d\u2019une obsessionnelle peur \u2013 de faire un d\u00e9placement en dehors du palais de Carthage, Ben Ali exige que l\u2019\u00e9quipe qui assure sa s\u00e9curit\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019aller ne soit pas celle qui le fait au\u00a0 retour\u00a0? C\u2019est tout dire de la \u00ab\u00a0confiance\u00a0\u00bb qui le lie d\u00e9sormais \u00e0 son dispositif s\u00e9curitaire, pourtant ultrasophistiqu\u00e9 !<\/span><\/p>\n
Ce n\u2019est pas uniquement en Asie qu\u2019un tsumani s\u2019est lev\u00e9, mais un autre tsumani, fait d\u2019indignation, de courroux, d\u2019irritation et de pr\u00e9 r\u00e9volte, est en train de se lever en Tunisie, des profondeurs des deux\u00a0 bastilles que Ben Ali a cru avoir \u00e9difi\u00e9es de telle sorte qu\u2019elles soient imprenables\u00a0: le RCD et la POLICE\u00a0! Nous y reviendrons.<\/span><\/p>\n
Remarque<\/span><\/u><\/b><\/p>\n
La r\u00e9daction de TUNISNEWS a bien re\u00e7u ce texte le 28 f\u00e9vrier 2005. Nous n\u2019avons aucune possibilit\u00e9 d\u2019authentifier ses auteurs.<\/span><\/i><\/b><\/p>\n
Malgr\u00e9 \u00e7a, nous le publions pour nos lecteurs car il semble \u00eatre l\u2019expression d\u2019un\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0courant\u00a0\u00bb existant depuis un certain temps au sein de la grande famille destourienne.<\/span><\/i><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
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FLUX ET REFLUX DU FORUM SOCIAL TUNISIEN<\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
Le 20 f\u00e9vrier 2005 s\u2019est tenue \u00e0 Mahdia, au si\u00e8ge r\u00e9gional de l\u2019Union G\u00e9n\u00e9rale Tunisienne du Travail (UGTT), une \u00ab\u00a0journ\u00e9e d\u2019\u00e9tude\u00a0\u00bb sur \u00ab\u00a0Le Forum Social Tunisien, pourquoi et comment\u00a0?\u00a0\u00bb. Une centaine de personnes \u00e9taient pr\u00e9sentes \u00e0 la s\u00e9ance d\u2019ouverture, en grande majorit\u00e9 des syndicalistes. Cela signifie-t-il que la dynamique du FST, apr\u00e8s maints balbutiements, est enfin lanc\u00e9e\u00a0?<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Le d\u00e9bat altermondialiste n\u2019est pas un fait r\u00e9cent en Tunisie. D\u00e9j\u00e0, en 1999, un groupe de militantes et de militants avait fond\u00e9, autour de cette probl\u00e9matique, l\u2019association RAID Attac Tunisie, laquelle avait organis\u00e9 \u00e0 Tunis, quelques semaines apr\u00e8s Seattle, la premi\u00e8re table ronde sur la mondialisation lib\u00e9rale et le mouvement altermondialiste naissant.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Cependant, l\u2019adh\u00e9sion des associations, des syndicats et des activistes progressistes au mouvement altermondialiste, et notamment \u00e0 la dynamique des forums sociaux reste, \u00e0 ce jour, assez limit\u00e9e et sans incidence r\u00e9elle sur le processus social local. Pourquoi\u00a0? Les raisons ne manquent pas\u00a0: l\u2019\u00c9tat de non-droit bien entendu, mais aussi l\u2019engagement des acteurs sociaux et des d\u00e9fenseurs des droits humains dans le processus Euro-m\u00e9diterran\u00e9en (via le Forum civil) qui proc\u00e8de d\u2019une logique bien diff\u00e9rente, voire oppos\u00e9e, de celle des forums sociaux.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Au cours de l\u2019hivers 2002, une longue gr\u00e8ve de la faim, entam\u00e9e par 12 ouvriers licenci\u00e9s abusivement de l\u2019entreprise du textile ICAB, avait \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019origine de la dynamique du FST. Apr\u00e8s avoir essuy\u00e9 plusieurs \u00e9checs, les ouvriers d\u2019ICAB avaient d\u00e9cid\u00e9 de changer de strat\u00e9gie de lutte et d\u2019adapter leur action aux nouvelles conditions cr\u00e9\u00e9es par le choc n\u00e9o-lib\u00e9ral. En plus de la gr\u00e8ve de la faim ils avaient lanc\u00e9 un appel \u00e0 soutien local et international. Un collectif de soutien c\u2019\u00e9tait alors form\u00e9 autour de la gr\u00e8ve, lui servant de caisse de r\u00e9sonance, tout en produisant des analyses qui mettaient \u00e0 nu les pratiques opaques et dilapidatrices des privatisations. Cela avait beaucoup irrit\u00e9 le pouvoir qui avait fini par donner satisfaction aux gr\u00e9vistes.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
La Centrale syndicale, sans aller jusqu\u2019\u00e0 d\u00e9savouer les gr\u00e9vistes de la faim, avait vainement tenter de mettre fin \u00e0 leur action. Elle consid\u00e9rait ce type d\u2019action comme une h\u00e9r\u00e9sie, qui plus est permettait l\u2019intrusion d\u2019\u00ab\u00a0acteurs \u00e9trangers\u00a0\u00bb, dans ce quelle consid\u00e8re, sa chasse gard\u00e9e.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Le processus de lutte initi\u00e9 par les gr\u00e9vistes d\u2019ICAB, s\u2019\u00e9tait rapidement \u00e9tendu \u00e0 d\u2019autres entreprises, en reproduisant le m\u00eame \u00e9tat d\u2019esprit et la m\u00eame ouverture sur les autres acteurs sociaux et par cons\u00e9quent la m\u00eame ceinture de solidarit\u00e9.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Ainsi, Le FST se mettait en marche. Il \u00e9tait n\u00e9 \u00e0 travers les batailles engag\u00e9es par les salari\u00e9s, pour la d\u00e9fense de leur droits, au premier rang desquels figure l\u2019emploi, face \u00e0 un capitalisme voyou et destructeur. D\u00e8s le d\u00e9but, l\u2019association RAID Attac Tunisie avait \u00e9t\u00e9 un partenaire et un acteur essentiel dans cette dynamique. Il n\u2019\u00e9tait donc pas \u00e9tonnant qu\u2019elle eut formul\u00e9 la question, en juin 2003, dans un appel \u00ab\u00a0Pour l\u2019organisation d\u2019un \u2018Forum social Tunisien\u2019. Pour informer, sensibiliser, rassembler, d\u00e9cider et agir ensemble\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Cet appel avait ressurgi, quelques mois plus tard (octobre 2003), au cours de la conf\u00e9rence-d\u00e9bat organis\u00e9e \u00e0 Monastir, par la LTDH (Ligue tunisienne de d\u00e9fense des droits de l\u2019homme), plus pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment ses sections de Kairouan, de Sousse, de Mahdia et de Monastir, \u00e0 propos du \u00ab\u00a0co\u00fbt social de la mondialisation lib\u00e9rale\u00a0\u00bb, sous la forme d\u2019un \u00ab\u00a0Appel en vue de la cr\u00e9ation d’un Forum Social Tunisien\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
En quelques mois, la contagion du FST avait gagn\u00e9 toutes les grandes villes, notamment Kairouan, Sfax, Gab\u00e8s, Jendouba, Sousse, Mahdia, Monastir, Ben Arous, etc. En plus des gr\u00e8ves et des occupations d\u2019usines, \u00e9taient venus s\u2019ajouter les meetings et les conf\u00e9rences-d\u00e9bats qui avaient enregistr\u00e9 un large ralliement de militantes et de militants de tout bord. Une p\u00e9tition appelant \u00e0 l\u2019organisation du FST avait recueilli plus d\u2019un millier de signatures.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
L\u2019engouement pour le FST et la dynamique de lutte qu\u2019il avait suscit\u00e9 avaient r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 entra\u00eener dans leur sillage, pendant un certain temps, la Centrale syndicale et les directions des Ong l\u00e9gales, essentiellement ceux de la LTDH et de l\u2019ATFD. Il s\u2019agissait essentiellement de l\u2019organisation de r\u00e9unions de coordination, auxquelles n\u2019\u00e9taient pas convi\u00e9es les associations non-reconnues par le pouvoir, telle que RAID Attac Tunisie.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Le pouvoir ne voyait pas d\u2019un bon \u0153il toute cette agitation. Alors, redoutant l\u2019ouverture d\u2019un nouveau front social, il avait ordonn\u00e9 \u00e0 la direction de l\u2019UGTT de cesser tout contact avec les associations \u00e0 propos du FST et d\u2019en finir avec cette question. Ce rappel \u00e0 l\u2019ordre s\u2019\u00e9tait r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 payant. En effet, apr\u00e8s un emballement g\u00e9n\u00e9ral qui avait dur\u00e9 plusieurs mois, presque tous les acteurs sociaux avaient fini par se d\u00e9tourner, les uns apr\u00e8s les autres, du FST. Il faut dire qu\u2019un concurrent redoutable du FST, \u00e0 savoir le Forum Civil Euro-m\u00e9diterran\u00e9en (FCE) n\u2019avait pas perdu de son attrait vis-\u00e0-vis du mouvement social et d\u00e9mocratique tunisien, dont il capte une partie de son \u00e9nergie.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Le groupe de militants qui c\u2019\u00e9taient engag\u00e9 avec le plus d\u2019\u00e9nergie dans le projet du FST, s\u2019\u00e9tait bien gard\u00e9 de heurter<\/font><\/span> <\/font><\/span> les sensibilit\u00e9s des structures et de certaines personnalit\u00e9s influente du mouvement progressiste, ceci afin d\u2019\u00e9viter au FST des secousses inutiles. Mais, \u00e0 trop vouloir m\u00e9nager le choux et la ch\u00e8vre, ce groupe n\u2019a pas su (ou bien n\u2019a pas pu) mettre en valeur le potentiel militant suscit\u00e9 par l\u2019appel au FST, et aller crescendo dans la mobilisation. En voulant, \u00e0 tout prix, se mettre au diapason des directions syndicales et associatives ce groupe risque, t\u00f4t ou tard, de se transformer en frein additionnel pour le FST\u00a0!<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
La constitution du<\/font><\/span> \u00ab\u00a0Comit\u00e9 National d\u2019Action pour le Forum Social Tunisien\u00a0\u00bb (CNAFST), en juin dernier, n\u2019avait pas eu l\u2019effet escompt\u00e9 sur la dynamique du FST. Les trois mois de l\u2019\u00e9t\u00e9 et les \u00e9lections qui suivirent avaient fini par avoir raison des derniers soubresauts.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Assez paradoxalement, la rencontre de Mahdia intervient lors d\u2019un repli g\u00e9n\u00e9ralis\u00e9, non seulement du processus du FST mais aussi de tout le mouvement contestataire tunisien. A un moment o\u00f9 la mobilisation est \u00e0 son plus bas niveau, et apr\u00e8s que l\u2019\u00e9lan militant qui s\u2019\u00e9tait cristallis\u00e9 \u00e0 la base autour de ce projet, apr\u00e8s la rencontre de Monastir, s\u2019\u00e9tait largement dissip\u00e9.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Alors comment expliquer ce paradoxe\u00a0? Pourquoi ce qui semblait peu probable il y a \u00e0 peine quelques semaines, devient soudain \u00e0 port\u00e9 de main\u00a0? Avant de tenter de r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 ces questions, les remarques suivantes sont n\u00e9cessaires\u00a0:<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/span> –<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L\u2019id\u00e9e du groupe des initiateurs \u00e9tait d\u2019organiser une Assembl\u00e9e g\u00e9n\u00e9rale (\u2018Assembl\u00e9e consultative ouverte\u2019) afin de relancer le processus du FST. Ils n\u2019ont pu obtenir qu\u2019une \u2018Journ\u00e9e d\u2019\u00e9tudes\u2019.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/span> –<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 La LTDH, acteur social incontournable actuellement, ne s\u2019est pas investi directement dans la pr\u00e9paration de la rencontre de Mahdia. De plus, sa pr\u00e9sence y \u00e9tait informelle.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/span> –<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 La rencontre de Mahdia a cherch\u00e9 \u00e0 \u00e9viter tout ce qui peut, de pr\u00e8s ou de loin, contrarier l\u2019ordre \u00e9tablit (statut et qualit\u00e9 des invit\u00e9s<\/u>, th\u00e8mes abord\u00e9s..).<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/span> –<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Cette rencontre avait beaucoup plus l\u2019allure d\u2019une assembl\u00e9e syndicale que d\u2019une instance de forum social avec une participation active des associations et des altermondialistes.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Ceci \u00e9tant dit, la rencontre de Mahdia est un \u00e9v\u00e8nement \u00e0 ne pas n\u00e9gliger, et qu\u2019il s\u2019agit maintenant d\u2019analyser et de tenter de comprendre les tenants et les aboutissants. Et, \u00e0 d\u00e9faut d\u2019avoir r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 lui donner le contenu social et d\u00e9mocratique qu\u2019une instance du forum social doit n\u00e9cessairement avoir, nous devons prendre appui, sur ce qu\u2019elle a eu de positif, pour relancer la dynamique du FST.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
La rencontre de Mahdia n\u2019a pu avoir lieu sans\u00a0 la bienveillance de la Centrale syndicale. Qu\u2019est-ce explique ce revirement\u00a0? Est-ce l\u2019ombre de la conjoncture \u00e9conomique et sociale, marqu\u00e9e essentiellement par les incertitudes qui planent sur l\u2019avenir du secteur du Textile et de l\u2019Habillement, qui pousse la Centrale syndicale \u00e0 renouer avec le processus du FST\u00a0? Ou bien, est-ce que la direction syndicale serait tent\u00e9 d\u2019utiliser la carte du FST pour fortifier ses positions lors des prochaines n\u00e9gociations sociales\u00a0? Est-ce encore<\/span> l\u2019affaiblissement militant de l\u2019UGTT, et l\u2019effritement de sa base qui fait r\u00e9agir sa direction, ou bien s\u2019agit-il, tout simplement de man\u0153uvres venant de certains clans de l\u2019appareil, au moment o\u00f9 l\u2019UGTT s\u2019engage dans le renouvellement de ses structures r\u00e9gionales avant le prochain congr\u00e8s national\u00a0?<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Quelques soient les r\u00e9ponses \u00e0 ces questions, une chose est s\u00fbre\u2026 le FST ne se fera pas sans l\u2019UGTT. En cons\u00e9quence, quand la Centrale syndicale se r\u00e9concilie avec le FST nous ne pouvons que nous en f\u00e9liciter. Mais, cela ne veut pas dire, pour autant, que le FST faille se plier \u00e0 toutes les exigences de la Centrale, surtout si elles sont radicalement oppos\u00e9es aux fondements m\u00eame de la Charte du Forum Social Mondial, et qui pourraient alors porter atteinte \u00e0 la nature m\u00eame du FST. La marge de man\u0153uvre est certes assez mince, entre d\u2019une part une direction syndicale qui a ses propres priorit\u00e9s et sa propre vision des choses et qui ne sont pas souvent en accord avec ceux du Forum social, et un pouvoir d\u00e9cid\u00e9 \u00e0 emp\u00eacher le FST par tous les moyens.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Enfin, le FST est-il une fin en soi\u00a0? Absolument pas\u00a0! Il n\u2019est qu\u2019une opportunit\u00e9, une \u00e9tape dans un long processus de re-conqu\u00eate et de r\u00e9-appropriation d\u2019une citoyennet\u00e9 et d\u2019un devenir fond\u00e9s sur l\u2019\u00c9tat de droit et les libert\u00e9s. Le FST sera ce que nous voudrions bien qu\u2019il soit\u00a0: une parodie de forum social, ou bien une \u00e9tape d\u00e9terminante o\u00f9 nous commencerions \u00e0 \u00e9crire ensemble notre propre histoire\u00a0! Le FST doit \u00eatre un espace lib\u00e9r\u00e9 et un rendez-vous pour tous les espoirs, o\u00f9 chacun de nous viendra pour s\u2019exprimer, \u00e9couter, \u00e9changer et apprendre afin d\u2019imaginer ensemble une Tunisie meilleure et agir pour la r\u00e9aliser.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Que s\u2019est-il pass\u00e9 \u00e0 Mahdia\u00a0?<\/span><\/u><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00b7<\/span><\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> \u00b7<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L\u2019UGTT \u00e9tait dominant \u00e0 Mahdia\u00a0: parmi les participants, beaucoup \u00e9taient des cadres de l\u2019UGTT\u00a0: cinq membres (sur 9) du Bureau ex\u00e9cutif, quatre Secr\u00e9taires r\u00e9gionaux (Ben Arous, Jendouba, Kairouan, et Mahdia) et certains Secr\u00e9taires g\u00e9n\u00e9raux de syndicats sectoriels (Enseignement secondaire, Sant\u00e9 publique, M\u00e9decins hospitalo-universitaires, Postes et t\u00e9l\u00e9communications, etc. De plus, la r\u00e9union avait lieu au si\u00e8ge r\u00e9gional du syndicat.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Cette domination \u00e9crasante de l\u2019appareil syndical n\u2019est pas de nature \u00e0 favoriser une organisation horizontale et un acc\u00e8s ouvert pour tout ceux qui acceptent la Charte du Forum social mondial. La LTDH est la seule organisation qui est en mesure de faire contre-poids \u00e0 cette domination. Mais, veuillez \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9largissement par la base du FST et l\u2019adh\u00e9sion la plus large en son sein est la meilleure garantie pour r\u00e9ussir le forum social.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00b7<\/span><\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> \u00b7<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Cot\u00e9 associations, c\u2019\u00e9tait plut\u00f4t maigre\u00a0; seule l\u2019ATFD (Association tunisienne des femmes d\u00e9mocrates) a mandat\u00e9 des d\u00e9l\u00e9gu\u00e9es, tandis que la LTDH, dont plusieurs membres du comit\u00e9 directeur et de pr\u00e9sidents de sections avaient pris une part active au cours de la journ\u00e9e, n\u2019a d\u00e9l\u00e9gu\u00e9 personne.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Aucune des 8 associations ind\u00e9pendantes, non reconnues par le pouvoir, dont RAID Attac Tunisie n\u2019\u00e9tait officiellement invit\u00e9e\u00a0! seul la LEL (Ligue des \u00c9crivains Libres) avait, malgr\u00e9 cela, fait le d\u00e9placement \u00e0 Mahdia. Le CNAFST n\u2019avait aucune visibilit\u00e9, n\u2019eut \u00e9t\u00e9 l\u2019intervention de A. Hdhili que le pr\u00e9sident de s\u00e9ance avait pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 en tant qu\u2019activiste altermondialiste\u2026<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00b7<\/span><\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> \u00b7<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Enfin, une chose positive, deux invit\u00e9s \u00e9trangers ont pris part \u00e0 cette journ\u00e9e\u00a0; il s\u2019agit de Mohammed Ben Hammou, syndicaliste marocain et repr\u00e9sentant du FSMarocain et de <\/font><\/span>Annik Coup\u00e9<\/font> (France). Cependant, le Forum Social M\u00e9diterran\u00e9en \u00e9tait un absent de marque, malgr\u00e9 que les organisateurs aient \u00e9t\u00e9 inform\u00e9s du d\u00e9sir de l\u2019un des membres de son comit\u00e9 technique de venir en Tunisie\u00a0!<\/font><\/span><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00b7<\/span><\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> \u00b7<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 La s\u00e9ance d\u2019ouverture a d\u00e9but\u00e9 vers 11h du matin et s\u2019est poursuivie jusqu\u2019\u00e0 13h. Elle fut pr\u00e9sid\u00e9 par Moncef Yacoubi, membre du Bureau ex\u00e9cutif de l\u2019UGTT.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Il y a eu 5 interventions\u00a0: les deux invit\u00e9s \u00e9trangers, A. B\u00e9doui, qui a fait un expos\u00e9 sur les FSM, notamment sa cinqui\u00e8me cession, A. Hdhili qui a pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 un bilan historique du FSTunisien et enfin M. Cherbibe qui a pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 le point de vue des militants tunisiens r\u00e9sidant en France.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
La s\u00e9ance de l\u2019apr\u00e8s midi a commenc\u00e9 peu apr\u00e8s 14h sous la forme de deux ateliers\u00a0: l\u2019un consacr\u00e9 \u00e0 la question du secr\u00e9tariat technique du FST et l\u2019autre \u00e0 ses th\u00e9matiques. En fin de journ\u00e9e, ceux qui sont rest\u00e9s jusqu\u2019au bout se sont rassembl\u00e9s de nouveaux en s\u00e9ance pl\u00e9ni\u00e8re pour \u00e9couter les rapports des deux rapporteurs et afin de d\u00e9cider de la suite \u00e0 donner \u00e0 cette journ\u00e9e\u00a0:<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> –<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Un appel a \u00e9t\u00e9 retenu en fin de r\u00e9union et dans lequel ont \u00e9t\u00e9 formul\u00e9 trois exigences\u00a0: 1) l\u2019organisation d\u2019une Assembl\u00e9e g\u00e9n\u00e9rale le 24 avril prochain, 2) l\u2019organisation du FSTunisien au cours de l\u2019ann\u00e9e 2005, et 3) la constitution d\u2019un comit\u00e9 technique provisoire qui charg\u00e9 de pr\u00e9parer la prochaine Assembl\u00e9e g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du FST.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> –<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Un comit\u00e9 technique provisoire de suivie constitu\u00e9 autour du groupe d\u2019activistes qui oeuvrait jusque l\u00e0 \u00e0 la sensibilisation et \u00e0 la mobilisation pour l\u2019organisation du FST, tout en laissant la possibilit\u00e9 de rejoindre ses rangs \u00e0 tout ceux qui le d\u00e9sirent. Ce comit\u00e9 se voit confier la t\u00e2che de la pr\u00e9paration de la r\u00e9union du 24 avril prochain.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
–<\/font><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span> –<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Une quinzaine de th\u00e8mes de travail ont \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9sign\u00e9s comme pouvant constituer des axes de travail pour le FST.<\/font><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
F\u00e9vrier 2005<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
Fathi Chamkhi<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
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<\/p>\n
Les pays arabes, sous pression US, subissent un effet domino d\u00e9mocratique <\/span><\/font><\/h4>\n
<\/b> <\/p>\n
par Hassen ZENATI<\/span><\/b>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
AFP, le 28.02.2005 \u00e0 11h09<\/span>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/font><\/h6>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 LE CAIRE, 28 f\u00e9v (AFP) – Longtemps r\u00e9ticents \u00e0 toute \u00e9volution\u00a0 d\u00e9mocratique, les r\u00e9gimes arabes du Proche-Orient subissent depuis\u00a0 quelques mois un effet domino sous la pression conjugu\u00e9e des\u00a0 Etats-Unis et d’oppositions internes longtemps musel\u00e9es. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L’Egypte est le dernier en date des pays arabes qui ont d\u00fb se\u00a0 r\u00e9signer \u00e0 une \u00e9volution qu’ils redoutaient, avec l’annonce samedi\u00a0 par le pr\u00e9sident \u00e9gyptien Hosni Moubarak d’un amendement prochain \u00e0\u00a0 la Constitution pour la mise en place d’\u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles au\u00a0 suffrage universel direct \u00e0 bulletins secrets. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Coopt\u00e9 par l’arm\u00e9e depuis la chute de la monarchie et la\u00a0 proclamation de la r\u00e9publique en 1953, avant d’\u00eatre soumis \u00e0 un\u00a0 pl\u00e9biscite populaire, le chef de l’Etat sera donc d\u00e9sormais \u00e9lu\u00a0 parmi plusieurs candidats, une r\u00e9forme majeure qui a pris l’Egypte\u00a0 en totale surprise. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0Enfin, mon vote va avoir un prix\u00a0\u00bb, \u00e9crit lundi avec soulagement\u00a0 l’ancien journaliste du quotidien Al Ahram, Ali Samman, pr\u00e9sident du\u00a0 mouvement \u00ab\u00a0Dialogue islamo-chr\u00e9tien\u00a0\u00bb, qui affirme n’avoir encore\u00a0 jamais vot\u00e9 de sa vie, sachant que les \u00ab\u00a0r\u00e9sultats des scrutins\u00a0 \u00e9taient connus d’avance\u00a0\u00bb. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Avant l’Egypte, l’Autorit\u00e9 palestinienne avait pris le m\u00eame\u00a0 chemin en donnant, le 9 janvier, le choix entre plusieurs candidats\u00a0 lors de l’\u00e9lection au suffrage universel de son nouveau pr\u00e9sident,\u00a0 Mahmoud Abbas, pour succ\u00e9der \u00e0 Yasser Arafat. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L’Irak, qui avait connu sous Saddam Hussein un r\u00e9gime\u00a0 dictatorial et brutal, a connu le 30 janvier ses premi\u00e8res \u00e9lections\u00a0 libres depuis plus de cinquante ans. L’Arabie Saoudite entame une\u00a0 timide \u00e9volution, en organisant pour la premi\u00e8re fois depuis la\u00a0 cr\u00e9ation du royaume, des \u00e9lections municipales, mais sans la\u00a0 participation des femmes, que cependant l’homme fort du royaume, le\u00a0 prince Saoud al-Fay\u00e7al, a promise \u00ab\u00a0pour le prochain scrutin\u00a0\u00bb. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Aux Emirats arabes unis, pays o\u00f9 les partis politiques sont\u00a0 interdits et o\u00f9 il n’y a jamais eu d’\u00e9lection, plusieurs\u00a0 personnalit\u00e9s du monde politique et universitaire ont exprim\u00e9 la\u00a0 semaine derni\u00e8re leur souhait que l’assembl\u00e9e consultative mise sur\u00a0 pied par les autorit\u00e9s soit d\u00e9sormais une instance \u00e9lue. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le Liban, aux traditions d\u00e9mocratiques affirm\u00e9es mais brid\u00e9es\u00a0 par la pr\u00e9sence militaire syrienne depuis 1979, a commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 bouger \u00a0\u00e0 son tour. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L’assassinat le 14 f\u00e9vrier de son ex-Premier ministre Rafic\u00a0 Hariri, dans des circonstances encore non \u00e9lucid\u00e9es mais o\u00f9 la Syrie\u00a0 est montr\u00e9e du doigt, aura servi de catalyseur \u00e0 l’opposition\u00a0 anti-syrienne. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A Bahrein, quatre partis d’opposition ont appel\u00e9 le 10 f\u00e9vrier \u00e0\u00a0 la tenue d’une \u00ab\u00a0conf\u00e9rence nationale pour la promotion de r\u00e9formes\u00a0 constitutionnelles, avec la participation de toutes les forces\u00a0 politiques\u00a0\u00bb du royaume en 2005. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 En 2004, le roi Hamad ben Issa al-Khalifa les avait menac\u00e9 de\u00a0 dissolution apr\u00e8s qu’ils eurent lanc\u00e9 une p\u00e9tition demandant des\u00a0 amendements d\u00e9mocratiques \u00e0 la constitution. Cette p\u00e9tition avait\u00a0 recueilli 75.000 signatures sur les 650.000 sujets que compte le\u00a0 royaume. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Pour Karam Gabr, directeur de la r\u00e9daction de la revue\u00a0 \u00e9gyptienne Rose el-Youssef, \u00ab\u00a0Il s’agit d’un \u00e9lectrochoc\u00a0 d\u00e9mocratique\u00a0\u00bb. \u00ab\u00a0Les vents du changement qui soufflent du Caire\u00a0 pourraient balayer pas mal de r\u00e9gimes (autoritaires) dans la r\u00e9gion.\u00a0 Ils vont conforter la marche de la d\u00e9mocratie au Proche-Orient\u00a0\u00bb,\u00a0 dit-il. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 M\u00eame si la presse gouvernementale de ces pays continue \u00e0 mettre\u00a0 en avant qu’il s’agit d’une \u00ab\u00a0mutation historique impuls\u00e9e de\u00a0 l’int\u00e9rieur, loin des pressions ext\u00e9rieures\u00a0\u00bb, comme l’\u00e9crit Al Ahram\u00a0 lundi \u00e0 propos de l’Egypte, le r\u00f4le des Etats-Unis aura \u00e9t\u00e9\u00a0 capital. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 En lan\u00e7ant son projet de Grand Moyen-Orient (GMO) en 2004 et en\u00a0 pla\u00e7ant en 2005 son second mandat pr\u00e9sidentiel sous le signe de la\u00a0 promotion de la d\u00e9mocratie et des libert\u00e9s dans le monde, le\u00a0 pr\u00e9sident George Bush a r\u00e9veill\u00e9 des app\u00e9tits d\u00e9mocratiques internes\u00a0 qui avaient \u00e9t\u00e9 sous-estim\u00e9s, affirme en substance l’\u00e9crivain\u00a0 \u00e9gyptien Salama Ahmad Salama. <\/font><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 M. Salama classe les mouvements protestataires arabes sous le\u00a0 m\u00eame mot d’ordre, Kefaya (Ca suffit), que s’est donn\u00e9 le Mouvement\u00a0 Populaire pour le changement en Egypte. <\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Ce dernier avait d\u00e9clench\u00e9 en d\u00e9cembre une s\u00e9rie de\u00a0 manifestations sans pr\u00e9c\u00e9dent en Egypte pour r\u00e9clamer l’\u00e9lection du\u00a0 chef de l’Etat au suffrage universel, la r\u00e9duction de ses pouvoirs\u00a0 et la limitation des mandats pr\u00e9sidentiels \u00e0 deux de quatre ans\u00a0 chacun. <\/span><\/p>\n
AFP\u00a0<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/h4>\n
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Washington observe avec satisfaction les r\u00e9centes \u00e9volutions au Moyen-Orient<\/font><\/span><\/h5>\n
L’administration Bush cr\u00e9dit\u00e9e de plusieurs succ\u00e8s<\/font><\/span><\/h5>\n
Corine Lesnes<\/font><\/span><\/h5>\n
New York de notre correspondante<\/font><\/span><\/u><\/i><\/h5>\n
M\u00eame si elle n’est pas exprim\u00e9e de mani\u00e8re officielle, une certaine autosatisfaction est perceptible \u00e0 Washington quant \u00e0 l’\u00e9volution de la situation au Proche-Orient. Dans la foul\u00e9e des \u00e9lections du 30 janvier en Irak et du d\u00e9gel isra\u00e9lo-palestinien, la r\u00e9gion bouge. Il y a eu les municipales en Arabie saoudite, le 10 f\u00e9vrier, la pouss\u00e9e populaire au Liban et, samedi 26 f\u00e9vrier, l’annonce du multipartisme en Egypte.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Interrog\u00e9 dimanche par la cha\u00eene de t\u00e9l\u00e9vision Fox News, le s\u00e9nateur r\u00e9publicain de l’Arizona John McCain a attribu\u00e9 ces \u00e9volutions aux choix de l’administration Bush. \u00ab\u00a0Notre succ\u00e8s en Afghanistan et en Irak a eu un impact b\u00e9n\u00e9fique sur la politique au Moyen-Orient, y compris au Liban, a-t-il dit. Nous pourrions bien \u00eatre sur le point de voir un changement fondamental vers plus de libert\u00e9 et de d\u00e9mocratie au Proche-Orient.\u00a0\u00bb<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Dans le New York Times, le chroniqueur n\u00e9oconservateur David Brooks se montre encore plus enthousiaste. Faisant la liste des progr\u00e8s r\u00e9alis\u00e9s sur le chemin de la d\u00e9mocratie apr\u00e8s des ann\u00e9es d’immobilit\u00e9, il cite la formation du cabinet du pr\u00e9sident palestinien Mahmoud Abbas (\u00ab\u00a0les vieux copains d’Arafat ont fini par \u00eatre \u00e9cart\u00e9s\u00a0\u00bb) ou les tractations pour le poste de premier ministre en Irak. Pour lui, l’Am\u00e9rique a su utiliser son don d'\u00a0\u00bbimaginer des mondes nouveaux\u00a0\u00bb. Elle a bien fait de viser haut. Maintenant le monde arabe est tent\u00e9 par l’exemple. Depuis les \u00e9lections en Irak, la question r\u00e9sonne, du Caire jusqu’\u00e0 Beyrouth, affirme-t-il :\u00a0\u00bbPourquoi pas ici ?\u00a0\u00bb<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
La Maison Blanche et le d\u00e9partement d’Etat, qui ont mis la promotion des r\u00e9formes dans le monde arabe au centre de leur politique antiterroriste (120 millions de dollars ont \u00e9t\u00e9 affect\u00e9s au Grand Moyen-Orient dans le budget 2006), se sont gard\u00e9s de commenter dans des termes aussi positifs les \u00e9v\u00e9nements du week-end, d’autant qu’\u00e0 l’optimisme prudent suscit\u00e9 par la d\u00e9cision du pr\u00e9sident \u00e9gyptien a succ\u00e9d\u00e9 le brutal recul de la tr\u00eave isra\u00e9lo-palestinienne.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Washington n’a pas r\u00e9agi \u00e0 l’attentat de Tel-Aviv, le premier ministre isra\u00e9lien r\u00e9v\u00e9lant lui-m\u00eame que Condoleezza Rice lui avait fait part de ses condol\u00e9ances par t\u00e9l\u00e9phone. La secr\u00e9taire d’Etat est attendue, lundi, \u00e0 Londres pour participer \u00e0 la conf\u00e9rence organis\u00e9e mardi par le premier ministre britannique, Tony Blair, afin d’aider l’Autorit\u00e9 palestinienne \u00e0 reformer ses structures et ses services de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 avant le retrait des troupes isra\u00e9liennes de Gaza, pr\u00e9vu pour l’\u00e9t\u00e9.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
L’annonce la plus spectaculaire du week-end est venue du Caire. Samedi, dans une intervention \u00e0 l’universit\u00e9 de Menoufiya, retransmise en direct \u00e0 la t\u00e9l\u00e9vision, le pr\u00e9sident Hosni Moubarak, 76 ans, au pouvoir depuis 24 ans, a propos\u00e9 une r\u00e9vision constitutionnelle qui autoriserait des \u00e9lections pr\u00e9sidentielles au scrutin direct. Le d\u00e9partement d’Etat a r\u00e9agi prudemment \u00e0 cette proposition, la qualifiant de \u00ab\u00a0pas dans la direction d’un syst\u00e8me politique plus ouvert\u00a0\u00bb.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0BASCULEMENT\u00a0\u00bb<\/font><\/span><\/h5>\n
Les Am\u00e9ricains n’ont pas revendiqu\u00e9 la paternit\u00e9 de cette \u00e9volution – dont la port\u00e9e reste \u00e0 mesurer – mais il est clair que l’Egypte avait \u00e9t\u00e9 cit\u00e9e au plus haut niveau, par George Bush, dans une intervention aussi calibr\u00e9e que le discours-programme sur l’\u00e9tat de l’Union. C’\u00e9tait le 2 f\u00e9vrier. M. Bush avait affirm\u00e9 que l’Egypte, cette \u00ab\u00a0fi\u00e8re et grande nation qui avait montr\u00e9 le chemin de la paix\u00a0\u00bb, ne craindrait pas de \u00ab\u00a0montrer maintenant le chemin de la d\u00e9mocratie au Moyen-Orient\u00a0\u00bb.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
En janvier, le r\u00e9gime avait fait arr\u00eater l’opposant Ayman Nour. Selon des sources officieuses, Mme Rice avait annul\u00e9 depuis un moment une visite au Caire pr\u00e9vue dans la foul\u00e9e de la conf\u00e9rence de Londres en signe de m\u00e9contentement.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Dans sa chronique dominicale du New York Times, le journaliste Thomas Friedman qualifie la p\u00e9riode actuelle de moment de \u00ab\u00a0basculement\u00a0\u00bb, o\u00f9 un changement de perception peut cr\u00e9er une nouvelle r\u00e9alit\u00e9. De \u00ab\u00a0nouvelles histoires\u00a0\u00bb sont en train de s’\u00e9crire au Proche-Orient, estime-t-il. Il y a un mois, le Liban n’\u00e9tait que ce pays o\u00f9 une petite minorit\u00e9 chr\u00e9tienne essayait de r\u00e9sister \u00e0 l’occupation syrienne. Tout cela \u00ab\u00a0gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 8 millions d’Irakiens\u00a0\u00bb qui ont brav\u00e9 la peur, \u00e9crit-il.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Quelques voix moins positives se sont fait entendre, justement au sujet de l’Irak. Plusieurs s\u00e9nateurs qui s’y sont rendus la semaine derni\u00e8re ont trouv\u00e9 qu’ils pouvaient encore moins sortir de la zone verte qu’\u00e0 leur visite pr\u00e9c\u00e9dente. Avec les trois GI tu\u00e9s ce week-end, le bilan am\u00e9ricain approche les 1 500 morts. Mais comme l’\u00e9crit le commentateur David Brooks, le pr\u00e9sident Bush a r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 changer les priorit\u00e9s, et \u00ab\u00a0dans le monde entier\u00a0\u00bb.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
(Source\u00a0: \u00ab\u00a0Le Monde\u00a0\u00bb du 01.03.05 )<\/font>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/font><\/span><\/h6>\n
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Vient de para\u00eetre\u00a0:<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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Brisons la censure\u00a0!<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Aidons les juifs \u00e0 secouer leurs pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s sionistes\u00a0!<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Lisons et diffusons\u00a0:<\/span><\/b> <\/span> Des juifs r\u00e9sistent au sionisme<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Une des plus grandes manipulations de l\u2019histoire du sionisme a \u00e9t\u00e9 de passer sous silence le long et douloureux combat de g\u00e9n\u00e9rations de juifs contre le sionisme. Cette histoire r\u00e9prim\u00e9e et ni\u00e9e commence \u00e0 \u00e9merger d\u2019un long sommeil. <\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Les juifs orthodoxes de Neturei Karta sont \u00e0 la pointe du combat antisioniste\u00a0: au nom du juda\u00efsme, de ses valeurs et de ses esp\u00e9rances humanistes, ils sont les continuateurs de cette longue tradition. Ils sont l\u2019honneur du juda\u00efsme.<\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Le jour du d\u00e9c\u00e8s de Yasser Arafat, Dieudonn\u00e9 les a re\u00e7us au Th\u00e9\u00e2tre de la Main d\u2019Or. Ils ont expliqu\u00e9 les raisons de leur combat\u00a0: dire la v\u00e9rit\u00e9, la justice, et d\u00e9noncer le sionisme en tant que le plus grand danger pour les juifs et le juda\u00efsme, autant que pour les Palestiniens, les Arabes et l\u2019humanit\u00e9 enti\u00e8re.<\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Des juifs r\u00e9sistent au sionisme contient un compte-rendu exhaustif du discours de Rabbi Weiss et un r\u00e9sum\u00e9 des autres interventions.<\/span><\/p>\n
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\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Pour donner un aper\u00e7u de la longue tradition juive antisioniste, nous avons pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 des articles de plusieurs personnalit\u00e9s juives connues et moins connues comme Freud, Einstein, Emmanuel L\u00e9vyne, Mordechi Weberman, Erich Fried, et aussi l\u2019auteur non juif de Guerre et Paix, L\u00e9on Tolsto\u00ef, pour des raisons que nous donnons dans ce deuxi\u00e8me livre de la Collection Manifestes.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Un livre indispensable pour comprendre le monde actuel.<\/span><\/b><\/font><\/h6>\n<\/p>\n
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Sommaire\u00a0:<\/span><\/u><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Pr\u00e9sentation<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Rabbi Weiss :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Pourquoi les juifs de la Torah combattent-ils <\/span>de toutes leurs forces le ‘soi-disant \u00c9tat d’Isra\u00ebl<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
L\u00e9on Tolsto\u00ef :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Le Sionisme<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Sigmund Freud :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Le sionisme, \u00ab une esp\u00e9rance injustifi\u00e9e \u00bb<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Albert Einstein et: Hannah Arendt :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Non aux sionistes nazis !<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Emmanuel L\u00e9vyne :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
La Paix et l’\u00c9tat d’Isra\u00ebl<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Mordechi Weberman :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
C’est pr\u00e9cis\u00e9ment parce que nous sommes<\/span><\/p>\n
des juifs<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Erich Fried :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Un juif s\u2019adresse aux Combattants Sionistes<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Des juifs r\u00e9sistent au sionisme<\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
63 pages \u2013 2,50 Euros<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Edit\u00e9 par\u00a0:<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
La Pierre et l\u2019Olivier<\/span><\/p>\n
Alliance Zapatiste pour la Lib\u00e9ration Sociale (AZLS)<\/span><\/p>\n
R\u00e9sistance Verte<\/span><\/p>\n
Le Collectif de la Ct\u00e9 Tunisienne en Europe (CCTE)<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
Contact\u00a0: msfar@wanadoo.fr<\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\n<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u0637\u0644\u0628\u0629 \u0627\u0644\u062a\u062c\u0645\u0639 \u064a\u0639\u0646\u0641\u0648\u0646 \u0645\u0646\u0627\u0636\u0644\u064a \u0627\u0644\u0627\u062a\u062d\u0627\u062f \u0627\u0644\u0639\u0627\u0645 \u0644\u0637\u0644\u0628\u0629 \u062a\u0648\u0646\u0633<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u0639\u0628\u062f\u0627\u0644\u0648\u0647\u0627\u0628 \u0639\u0645\u0631\u064a<\/font><\/span><\/h6>\n
\u00a0<\/font><\/span>\u0642\u0627\u0628\u0633 \u0641\u064a 27\/02\/2005<\/font><\/span><\/u><\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
(\u0627\u0644\u0645\u0635\u062f\u0631: \u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639 <\/span> www.pdpinfo.org<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/span> \u0628\u062a\u0627\u0631\u064a\u062e 27 \u0641\u064a\u0641\u0631\u064a 2005)<\/span><\/b><\/font><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\n<\/div>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
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\u00a0<\/p>\n
\u062f.\u0645\u0646\u0635\u0641 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0631\u0632\u0648\u0642\u064a<\/font><\/span><\/h6>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
(\u0627\u0644\u0645\u0635\u062f\u0631: \u0645\u0648\u0642\u0639 \u062d\u0632\u0628 \u0627\u0644\u0645\u0624\u062a\u0645\u0631 \u0645\u0646 \u0623\u062c\u0644 \u0627\u0644\u062c\u0645\u0647\u0648\u0631\u064a\u0629 \u0628\u062a\u0627\u0631\u064a\u062e 23 \u0641\u064a\u0641\u0631\u064a 2005)\u00a0 <\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
\n<\/div>\n
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<\/span><\/h6>\n
\u00a0<\/p>\n
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