{"id":18478,"date":"2006-04-12T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2006-04-12T00:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/12-avril-2006\/"},"modified":"2006-04-12T00:00:00","modified_gmt":"2006-04-12T00:00:00","slug":"12-avril-2006","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/12-avril-2006\/","title":{"rendered":"12 avril 2006"},"content":{"rendered":"

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Home<\/span> – Accueil <\/span>– <\/span>\u0627\u0644\u0631\u0626\u064a\u0633\u064a\u0629<\/span><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

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TUNISNEWS<\/strong><\/span> <\/font><\/font> <\/div>\n
6\u00a0\u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0\u00a02151 du 12.04.2006<\/span><\/font><\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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\u00a0archives : <\/font> www.tunisnews.net<\/font><\/a><\/blink><\/span><\/b> <\/font> <\/div>\n

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Lib\u00e9ration: Un mort vivant en gr\u00e8ve de la faim en Tunisie Amnesty International: Lasad Jouhri , human rights defender – Urgent appeals<\/font> HRinfo: No Rules, No Limits HRinfo: Tunisian press coupons misleading the press<\/font> New York Sun Staff Editorial: Truth About Tunisia Jeune Afrique: Condi et les droits de l\u2019homme<\/font> Jeune Afrique: : Peut-on r\u00e9habiliter un putschiste ?<\/strong><\/font> <\/div>\n

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Un mort vivant en gr\u00e8ve de la faim en Tunisie<\/font><\/h2>\n

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Le professeur Ben Salem je\u00fbne depuis le 30 mars pour d\u00e9noncer le harc\u00e8lement policier.<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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par Christophe AYAD<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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Rien de nouveau sous le soleil de Ben Ali, o\u00f9 l’on est oblig\u00e9 de se mettre en gr\u00e8ve de la faim pour b\u00e9n\u00e9ficier des droits les plus \u00e9l\u00e9mentaires, qu’on soit simple citoyen ou prisonnier d’opinion. Tout comme le journaliste Taoufik Ben Brik, le professeur Moncef Ben Salem a cess\u00e9 de s’alimenter depuis le 30 mars pour d\u00e9noncer les \u00abpers\u00e9cutions\u00bb dont il fait l’objet depuis dix-neuf ans. Joint au t\u00e9l\u00e9phone, ce professeur d’universit\u00e9 vivant \u00e0 Sfax se dit pr\u00eat \u00e0 aller jusqu’au bout : \u00abJe pr\u00e9f\u00e8re la mort \u00e0 la vie qui est la mienne.\u00bb <\/span> <\/p>\n

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Enfer.<\/span><\/b> Le quotidien de ce docteur en math\u00e9matiques et en physique th\u00e9orique, fondateur du d\u00e9partement de math\u00e9matiques de la Facult\u00e9<\/st1:personname> des sciences de Sfax, est un enfer. Il n’a en effet ni le droit de travailler, ni celui de quitter son pays. Allocations ch\u00f4mage et s\u00e9curit\u00e9 sociale lui sont refus\u00e9es. Une voiture de police planque vingt-quatre heures sur vingt-quatre en bas de chez lui. M\u00eame ses enfants font l’objet de tracasseries sans fin : son dernier fils, Oussama, vient d’\u00eatre renvoy\u00e9 de la Facult\u00e9<\/st1:personname> des sciences de Sfax sous un pr\u00e9texte disciplinaire. Avant lui, sa fille Meriem avait, pendant trois ans, \u00e9t\u00e9 harcel\u00e9e quotidiennement dans la m\u00eame facult\u00e9 par des \u00e9tudiants du parti au pouvoir.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Qu’a donc commis Moncef Ben Salem, 53 ans, pour mener cette vie de mort vivant ? Emprisonn\u00e9 sans jugement de 1987 \u00e0 1989, il a \u00e9t\u00e9 condamn\u00e9 \u00e0 trois ans de prison, qu’il a purg\u00e9s de 1990 \u00e0 1993, pour \u00abdiffamation\u00bb et \u00abdiffusion de fausses nouvelles\u00bb. Moncef Ben Salem admet des \u00absympathies islamistes\u00bb, c’est tout. \u00abSi j’avais \u00e9t\u00e9 membre d’Ennahda, j’aurais eu droit \u00e0 la prison \u00e0 vie !\u00bb<\/span><\/p>\n

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Protestations.<\/span><\/b> Depuis le d\u00e9but de sa gr\u00e8ve de la faim, Ben Salem n’a \u00e9t\u00e9 contact\u00e9 par aucune ambassade occidentale, bien qu’il ait collabor\u00e9 avec le CNRS, des universit\u00e9s europ\u00e9ennes ou nord-am\u00e9ricaines ainsi que de prestigieuses revues. Tunis s’est pourtant cru oblig\u00e9 de pr\u00e9ciser, via une source anonyme et contre toute \u00e9vidence, que Ben Salem \u00e9tait \u00ablibre de ses mouvements\u00bb et ne faisait l’objet d’\u00abaucune restriction\u00bb. Une r\u00e9ponse indirecte aux protestations \u00e9mises la semaine derni\u00e8re par le d\u00e9partement d’Etat concernant \u00able harc\u00e8lement \u00e0 l’encontre de militants et d’organisations de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile en Tunisie\u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Washington s’inqui\u00e9tait notamment du sort de Neila Charchour Hachicha, fondatrice du Parti lib\u00e9ral m\u00e9diterran\u00e9en, dont l’entourage fait aussi l’objet d’un harc\u00e8lement judiciaire et m\u00e9diatique. Autre sujet de pr\u00e9occupation, l’avocat Mohamed Abbou, condamn\u00e9 en 2005 \u00e0 trois ans et demi de r\u00e9clusion, pour un texte critiquant Ben Ali. Maltrait\u00e9, priv\u00e9 de visites dans sa prison du Kef, \u00e0 170 km<\/st1:metricconverter> de Tunis o\u00f9 vit sa famille, Me Abbou s’est mis en gr\u00e8ve de la faim lui aussi le 11 mars. Son \u00e9tat de sant\u00e9 est pr\u00e9occupant.<\/span><\/p>\n

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(Source\u00a0: \u00ab\u00a0Lib\u00e9ration\u00a0\u00bb (France), le 12 avril 2006)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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Amnesty International:<\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

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PUBLIC\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 AI Index: MDE 30\/011\/2006\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 12 April 2006<\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

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UA 85\/06\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Fear for safety<\/u><\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n

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TUNISIA<\/span><\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/font> Lasad Jouhri (m), human rights defender<\/span><\/font><\/strong><\/font><\/p>\n

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Human rights defender Lasad Jouhri<\/span><\/b> has been harassed and intimidated by the security forces since he became one of the founder members of a new organisation set up to bring torturers to justice. He has been seriously assaulted before, and tortured in custody, and Amnesty International believes he is in danger.<\/span><\/p>\n

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He was one of around eight human rights defenders and lawyers who became the first members of Torture Victims against Impunity in late March. Since then he has received two written orders to report to a police station, but refused to respond because the orders did not say exactly where or when he should report. On 10 April at 8pm, around 10 police officers came to his apartment to ask why he had refused to report to a police station and asked him to go with them. He refused to go and managed to close the door to his apartment. The police knocked violently at the door for a few minutes and then left. Lasad Jouhri<\/span><\/b> phoned several lawyers and human rights defenders, who came to his apartment and spent most of the night with him to witness any violations by the security forces. A marked police car is now parked in front of his apartment building.<\/span><\/p>\n

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At 5pm on 10 April, Lasad Jouhri\u2019s 19-year-old son had been summoned to a police station in connection with his application for a passport. The police told him that his application had been rejected, asked him why his father had refused to present himself at a police station, and insulted him.<\/span><\/p>\n

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On 28 March, Lasad Jouhri<\/span><\/b> found that the steering mechanism of his car had been tampered with to make the driver lose control of the vehicle. He reported this to the police. The people who did this are believed to have been members of the security forces or people following their orders.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Lasad Jouhri<\/span><\/b> was jailed as a prisoner of conscience and released in 1998 after spending more than six years in prison for membership of the banned Islamist organization Ennahda<\/span><\/i>. He was tortured on several occasions between 1991 and 1994. As a result his right leg is now partially paralysed, and he has to walk with a crutch.<\/span><\/p>\n

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In August 2002, after repeated harassment and intimidation by the security forces, he was assaulted by plainclothes policemen (see UA 271\/02, MDE 30\/016\/2002, 29 August 2002). This came after he became a founder member of a new organisation, the Association Internationale de Soutien aux Prisonniers Politiques<\/span><\/i> (International Association for the Support of Political Prisoners).<\/span><\/p>\n

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RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in Arabic, French or English or your own language:<\/em><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

– expressing concern that Lasad Jouhri<\/span><\/b> and his family have been harassed and intimidated by the security forces, and that his car has been tampered with in a manner that could have been fatal;<\/span><\/p>\n

– asking the authorities to conduct a full investigation, and bring those responsible to justice;<\/span><\/p>\n

– calling on the authorities to put an immediate end to the harassment of lawyers and human rights defenders. <\/span><\/p>\n

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APPEALS TO:<\/em><\/span><\/h2>\n

Pr\u00e9sident M. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali<\/span><\/p>\n

Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique<\/st1:personname><\/span><\/p>\n

Palais Pr\u00e9sidentiel<\/span><\/p>\n

Tunis<\/span><\/p>\n

Tunisie<\/span><\/p>\n

Fax: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 +216 71 744 721<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

+216 71 <\/span> 731 009<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Salutation: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Your excellency\/Excellence<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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M. Rafik Belhaj Kacem<\/span><\/p>\n

Minist\u00e8re de l<\/span>=<\/span>Int\u00e9rieur et du D\u00e9veloppement Local<\/span><\/p>\n

Avenue Habib Bourguiba<\/span><\/p>\n

1000 Tunis <\/span><\/p>\n

Tunisie<\/span><\/p>\n

Fax: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 +216 71 340 888<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

+216 71 340 880<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

E-mail: <\/span> \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/span>mint@ministeres.tn<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/u> <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Salutation: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Your excellency\/Excellence<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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COPIES TO:<\/em><\/span><\/h2>\n

M. Zakaria Ben Mustapha (Pr\u00e9sident)<\/span><\/p>\n

Official human rights body reporting to the president<\/span><\/p>\n

Comit\u00e9 sup\u00e9rieur des droits de l\u2019homme et des libert\u00e9s fondamentales<\/span><\/p>\n

85 ave de la Libert\u00e9<\/st1:personname><\/span><\/p>\n

1002 Tunis\u2011Belv\u00e9d\u00e8re<\/span><\/p>\n

Tunisie\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n

Fax: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 +216 71 796 593<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

+216 71 784 038<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Salutation: \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Dear Sir<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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and to diplomatic representatives of Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> accredited to your country.<\/span><\/p>\n

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PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY.<\/span><\/b> Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 24 May 2006.<\/span><\/p>\n\n

To: IFEX Autolist (other news of interest)<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

From: <\/span>Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (HRinfo<\/font><\/strong>)<\/font>, <\/span>info@hrinfo.net<\/p>\n

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Tunisian press coupons misleading the press [1]<\/font><\/h2>\n

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Most of us remember the ‘Iraqi oil coupons’ scandal during early 2004, which included a number of journalists and prominent figures in Egypt<\/st1:country-region><\/st1:place> and another fifty countries. The scandal claimed that the Iraqi Parliament had offered millions of petrol barrels in reward for those personalities that supported the former Iraqi regime.<\/font><\/p>\n

Regardless of whether these claims were true or not, it is confirmed that the Tunisian government, known to be the largest tyrant these days, has acquired this experience and developed it, creating what we know today as the \u00ab\u00a0Tunisian Embassies’ Coupons\u00a0\u00bb. Through these coupons, promotion articles are published, presenting paid advertisement as news stories written in an ambiguous style, indicating to the reader that what is published is a reliable press release. However, in reality these articles are nothing less than false images of miserable circumstances in Tunisia<\/st1:country-region><\/st1:place>.<\/font><\/p>\n

While the most famous Arab prisoner of opinion, Mohamed Abbou, and hundreds of others are imprisoned in Tunisia<\/st1:country-region><\/st1:place>, these articles are published with headlines such as, \u00ab\u00a0Freedom of _Expression and advancement of Human Rights Principles \u2026\u00a0\u00bb or \u00ab\u00a0The State of Law \u2026 Freedom of _Expression\u00a0\u00bb!<\/font><\/p>\n

Imagine how would Tunisian citizens – who are overwhelmed with terror as a result of the practices of the Tunisian security bureaus, which does not refrain from framing cases against journalists, torturing them, and distorting their reputation – feel when they find in popular and respectable Egyptian newspapers contributions to falsely embellish the Tunisian government. <\/font><\/p>\n

This reached an extent that some Tunisian citizens, now, believe that the publishing of such promotion articles indicates a new crime committed against Tunisian journalists or human rights activists, viewing promotion articles as a tool to cover up a crime being committed.<\/font><\/p>\n

Such articles violate both Egyptian and international professional codes of ethics, as they confuse paid advertisement with editorial material. In addition, they reduce the credibility of newspapers that publish them. These articles also encourage many journalists to seek the satisfaction of the Tunisian embassy by giving a blind eye to what is really happening in Tunisia<\/st1:country-region><\/st1:place>, in an attempt to win these highly paid for misleading advertisements.<\/font><\/p>\n

The matter becomes more complicated when Egyptian newspapers defend the Tunisian government which violates the right to freedom of _expression and punish journalists because of their work, while at the same time they are fighting the Egyptian government to stop imprisoning journalists for their writings. As a result, the issue has become ambiguous, raising an important question: Is it righteous to defend freedom of press in a country while at the same time join together with another government in another country that violates freedom of press?<\/font><\/p>\n

Gamal Eid<\/font><\/p>\n

Lawyer and Executive Director of the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (HRinfo) <\/font><\/p>\n

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[1] An article published in the independent weekly Al-Dostur newspaper entitled: \u00ab\u00a0Tunisian Press Coupons: When a campaign to embellish the Tunisian government starts in the Egyptian Press, Tunisians expect a catastrophe!\u00a0\u00bb<\/font><\/p>\n

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No Rules, No Limits<\/font><\/h2>\n

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Sexual assaults and fabrication of cases against journalists and activists \u00ab\u00a0Tunisia<\/st1:country-region>, Egypt<\/st1:country-region>, and Bahrain<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>\u00ab\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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Introduction : Freedom of __expression and political dispute<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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No country in the world is void of political opposition, human rights activists, and journalists resisting corruption. Despite the intensity of the disagreement between these institutions and state authorities, this is a healthy disagreement indicating a process of political, social, or economic reform. Freedom of __expression and civil society mobility contribute to the exposure of corruption, provide alternative solutions, and present a better vision to curing crises.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Of the most important indicators defining the level of advancement and democracy of any state is how it deals with its political opposition, the methods it administers in this dispute, and the space available for freedom of opinion and __expression.<\/span><\/p>\n

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Accepting intense criticisms of political opposition is not a grant given by this ruler or that government. Rather, it is a natural right for people in any state given to journalists and human rights activists who use this right for the interest of the people. Here, all states and all people are equal, whether the country is developing or developed, whether the state is a democracy or an autocracy, and whether it is a secular government or a religious one.<\/span><\/p>\n

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In Egypt<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>, as an example of a developing country, the court has passed famous sentences confirming these rights. In one case, the court ruled that it is agreed that in all constitutional countries, contesting political opposition is generally acceptable more than contesting a specific employee \u2026 The person who nominates himself to represent the country is knowingly exposed to having all his or her work a target for contestation and criticism. Public discussions, regardless of how intense their criticisms to actions and opinions of political parties, are in the interest of the nation and that through these discussions can develop a correct opinion pertaining the party it trusts and supports.1<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

In the United States, as an example of a developed country, the Supreme Court said that for a public official to prove that he or she is right in a defamation case, the official has to prove with clear and convincing evidence that the false statement defaming his or her reputation was published with the newspaper\u2019s knowledge that it was false or to prove that the newspaper has neglected in a careless manner the confirmation of whether this statement was false or not.2<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

These examples are to clarify that political criticism, regardless of its intensity, should not be punished and should not result in the desire for revenge.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Arab rulers : Describing Gods, describing oppressors<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Most Arab rulers, with a few exceptions, have come to power through illegitimate methods, such as, military coups, or nominal elections by which inheritance of power is pursued. It is also rare to find amongst those rulers those who carry the title of \u00ab\u00a0former president, former king or former prince \u2026 etc\u00a0\u00bb. The rule has become, as a result, that whoever comes to power, regardless of the method, seeks to maintain it for the rest of his life. Many seek to hand down the rule to a family member.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Most of these rulers, despite the fact that they have been ruling for more than twenty years, use an iron fist against those who dare to criticise their policies and practices. They give a green light to security authorities to eliminate political opposition, human rights activists, and journalists who only have their pens and words to oppose these policies. A series of gross violations with no rules or limits are thus committed, starting with implicating opposition, activists, and journalists in cases, detaining them and imprisoning them, and physically attacking them, passing through coercive disappearance and ending with the most degrading violations, such as framing criminal cases against those opposition forces, attempting to defame their reputations and spreading fear amongst citizens to prevent them from participating in public affairs. This is what this brief paper discusses.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Police authorities : Fabricating cases, dirty operations<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Police authorities in most Arab countries have wide experience in torture and fabricating political cases and physical assaults as a result of training and the large budgets that these authorities receive.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

However, because these methods are occasionally insufficient in deterring some political and human rights activists, and journalists, some authorities have started to prepare policemen for what is known as \u00ab\u00a0dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb. These operations, despite being few, have wide and long term effects in spreading fear amongst ordinary citizens and amongst some activists who fear that their turn will come. Such operations include fabricating criminal cases, committing sexual assaults, and scandals aiming at defaming reputations and breaking the spirits of the victims, in addition to spreading fear amongst others, sending a clear message to whoever thinks to criticise or oppose symbols of the regime and its authorities.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Dirty operations : When, why, and how ?<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The use of dirty operations is not arbitrary. Rather, governments resort to them when they fail in using the accustomed methods in the Arab World, such as detention, fabrication of political cases, physical assault, and torture to limit the activities performed by victims, whether journalists, human rights activists, or political opposition whom governmental authorities view as a threat revealing their practices.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Accordingly, dirty operations are used against those activists for a specific aim or to achieve several goals depending on the case :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Case I : The resort to physical assault or sexual harassment against a specific activist aims at terrorising him or her and breaking his or her spirit. This is usually done whilst the activist is being arrested or after the activist has been kidnapped.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

This kind of operation is used either as a punitive method or to force the activist to stop a specific activity, such as stopping the activist from continuing his or her writings on a governmental symbol or official, or to stop the activist from participating in political activities opposing the government.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Case II : This entails the fabrication of criminal cases or fabrication of immoral scandals against the activist without actually physically assaulting him or her. The scandal or case is then widely published, either through rumours or by using the media. In addition to the goals mentioned in Case I, other goals include spreading fear amongst the surrounding people that this procedure might be used against them if they perform the same or similar practices as the victim.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Case III : This entails the integration of all of the aforementioned-physical assault, fabrication of criminal cases, or an attempt to scandalise the activist using the media and\/or by disseminating rumours.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The press and playing with fire<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

It is difficult to achieve the goals of \u00ab\u00a0dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb, especially in the second and third cases mentioned above, without the cooperation or participation of some journalists. Rarely, this cooperation takes place without the journalist being aware of the circumstances of the case.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Danger lies in the fact that these cases in which journalists and newspapers cooperate, affect not only the victim but also the freedom of press.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

At the same time as some journalists accept to be used as tools by governmental authorities in launching campaigns targeting the reputation of activists, who might also be journalists, such campaigns also destroy the credibility of the press itself. This gives justification for the enemies of free press to attack it. In addition, many of those journalists who take a role in these \u00ab\u00a0dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb often themselves become victims of these operations when disagreement occurs between them and the governments and security authorities that use them. A careful look into a country such as Egypt<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> and its current campaigns shows that some of the campaigns against journalists are because they at one time accepted to play such a role in the past. As a result these journalists find it difficult to find support from the press and activists.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Following is detailed accounts of some of these cases :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Tunisia<\/span><\/b><\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Tunisia<\/span><\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> is the most Arab country that is a member state in international human rights covenants. This is what some know about it. It is also the most stable country in North Africa<\/st1:place>, and this, too, some already know. This is exactly what the Tunisian government propagates. However, what many might know is not necessarily the truth. Ratifying and signing international human rights covenants or the stability of a country leads to an important question. How does that influence the situation of activists and the status of freedom of __expression ? How did stability occur ? Was it through providing security or through the oppression and control of security forces ?<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

A recently published report by the World Organisation Against Torture and the International Federation of Human Rights stated in the Middle East and North Africa section on Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> that all violations were committed against civil society and human rights activists, starting with violence, arbitrary arrests, and terrorising them, in addition to violating the right to activity. This means that Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> is the only country that commits all these violations that could be distributed amongst several countries !<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00ab\u00a0In 2005, defenders were victims of assassinations, abductions and death threats (Iraq), acts of violence (Bahrain, Morocco, Tunisia), arbitrary arrests and judicial proceedings (Algeria, Bahrain, Libya, Occupied Palestinian Territories, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia), acts of harassment and intimidation (Syria, Tunisia), as well as infringements to their freedom of movement (Occupied Palestinian Territories)\u00a0\u00bb .3<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

As for the right of association, the report stated : \u00ab\u00a0Freedom of association was once again blatantly flouted in Tunisia, where many independent associations were still not legally recognised by the authorities, such as the National Council for Liberties in Tunisia (CNLT), the International Association for the Support of Political Prisoners (AISPP), the Tunisian Association Against Torture (ALTT), the Centre for the Independence of Judiciary and Lawyers (CIJA), the Assembly for Alternative International Development (RAID-ATTAC) and the Observatory for the Freedoms of the Press, Publishing, and Creation (OLPEC)\u00a0\u00bb .4<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Of course, for these harassments to become tangible violations they have to strike at specific persons, whether they be journalists or political or human rights activists. Following are a few examples of such cases.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Sihem Bensedrine<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

No Arab human rights activist has been exposed to what Sihem Bensedrine was exposed to from assaults and fabricated cases, embodying the unity of state authorities in confronting an individual in order to defame her name and create obstacles to her efforts to shed light on the deteriorating situation created by security authorities that don\u2019t know honourable disputes or the basics of the democratic process.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

After security authorities failed in destroying Sihem Bensedrine\u2019s will during the 1970s and 1980s, the use of \u00ab\u00a0dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb against her started with the participation of yellow press affiliated to the Tunisian government, such as Al-Shorouq, Al-Hadath, and Al-Sareeh. A rabid campaign started, aiming at defaming her name and reputation, beginning with accusing her of prostitution and the call for stoning her to forging pornographic pictures of her. The aim was to destroy her history and reputation. Fortunately, this did not work.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

According to Lutfi Hajji, never had such obscene words been used or the situation reached such vileness towards a citizen. 5<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The situation reached the extent of eliminating all means by which Sihem Bensedrine could earn a living. She was deprived from receiving her membership card from the Tunisian Press Association after Ben Ali assumed full control of it. The publishing house Al-Sabbar, which Bensedrine established, was shut down. It reached an extent that whoever wanted to get close to the dictatorship had to attack Bensedrine and participate in the \u00ab\u00a0\u2019dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb launched against her.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

It seems as if it\u2019s a natural solution to get rid of Sihem Bensedrine. She was prevented from receiving medical care while in the Manouba women\u2019s prison when she fell ill in July 2001, especially that she did not fully recover from the brutal police assaults on her in 2000.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Despite these \u00ab\u00a0dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb targeting her, Bensedrine won the 2004 International Press Freedom Award in Canada<\/st1:country-region> for her struggle for a free press in Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>, even though Tunisian authorities have shut down all five newspapers in which she worked.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Radya Nasrawy<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Whenever one searches her name on any of the Internet\u2019s search engines, many headlines come out in the results. Many of the headlines include statements such as : \u00ab\u00a0Radya Nasrawy was beaten \u2026\u00a0\u00bb, \u00ab\u00a0Following the arrest of Radya Nasrawy \u2026\u00a0\u00bb, \u00ab\u00a0Radya Nasrawy was targeted \u2026\u00a0\u00bb, etc. All these headlines reflect what the human rights activist suffered from as a result of her defence of the rights of Tunisian citizens, which the security authorities have been trying to deprive them of.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Radya Nasrawy\u2019s face is scarred as a result of a brutal attack committed by Tunisian authorities, which also targeted her young daughter, while she was organising a demonstration in solidarity of the prisoner of opinion Mohammed Abbou in March 2005.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

As a form of division of labour, we find attacks against Radya Nasrawy, the lawyer and head of the Tunisian Association Against torture (ALTT), take place on two levels. On the one hand, the Tunisian police clearly practiced physical assault on her, the last of which was the attack that broke her nose because of her solidarity with the prisoner of opinion Mohammed Abbou, in addition to burning her office door and stealing her files, not to mention stealing her car. On the other hand, under the supervision of the police, some journalists have started to dig up her past and have forged abhorrent stories about her. One of these journalists claimed that Radya Nasrawy was extramaritally impregnated by Hemma Al-Hammami during her visits as a lawyer to him while he was in prison. In response, Monsef Al-Marzuki said about this journalist, that he doubts that the journalist has ever been imprisoned because of a principle or a case like that of Hemma. The journalist did not even refrain from presenting Tunisian prisons as if they were parks in which reckless lawyers can get impregnated by their lovers. 6<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

In this manner, press does not refrain from defaming activists and attempting to destroy their reputations, even though they are in prison, raising questions on the extent to which these \u00ab\u00a0dirty operations\u00a0\u00bb have reached.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Mohammed Abbou<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

On February 28, 2005, the lawyer Mohammed Abbou, leading member of the Congress for the Republic Party, published an article on the Internet. The article criticised the invitation of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon to visit Tunisia<\/st1:country-region> during the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) organised by the United Nations in November of the same year in Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>. As a result, security authorities kidnapped Mohammed Abbou the following day and tried him. He was accused of a framed crime dating back to June 2002, claiming that Abbou had harmed his colleague Dalila Marad during a dispute between them in June 2002. In<\/st1:metricconverter> addition, he was accused of a crime related to the article he published on August 26, 2004 on Tunisianews Web site, entitled The Iraqi Abu Ghraib and the Tunisian Abu Ghraibs. In the article, Abbou compared between the status of Iraqi prisons and political prisoners in Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>. The article condemned torture practices on Tunisian prisoners and the silence of the judiciary.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Following an unfair trial that cannot be described at all as a fair trial, in which only 30 of the more than 850 lawyers who had voluntarily come forward to defend their colleague were recognized by the court, the court sentenced Mohammed Abbou to three and a half years imprisonment. The yellow press disseminated the news using the following headlines :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1. Al-Sabbah newspaper published on April 30, 2005, on the front page, \u00ab\u00a0For violently attacking his colleague and defamation, the court sentences Mohammed About to three and a half years imprisonment\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2. Al-Shorouq newspaper on April 29, 2005, published an article entitled \u00ab\u00a0Mohammed Abbou is tried for physically assaulting his colleague, causing her serious injuries, and for inciting the people to violate the country\u2019s laws\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

3. Al-Sareeh newspaper crossed all lines as it considered Mohammed Abbou\u2019s trial to be unfit because the context of the trial was not related to the lawyer profession but rather to a citizen who attacked another citizen, in addition to another accusation that is totally contradictory with the fact that he is lawyer who should contribute to the implementation of the country\u2019s laws.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

These are all articles that present Mohammed Abbou as merely a deviant and violent person inciting the violation of the laws of the country and accused in a criminal case.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

These articles ignored the basics of good journalism as they did not present to public opinion the circumstances of the accusations directed against Abbou. These articles also revealed the intentions of the judiciary, which insisted on connecting the two cases and dealing with them in the same session and judicial district, even though this is against the simplest guarantees of the right to defend oneself .7<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Even though more than a year has passed since the imprisonment of Mohammed About and despite a wide campaign, the Tunisian police are currently continuing their \u00ab\u00a0dirty operation\u00a0\u00bb against Abbou. The police have threatened Abbou and his wife that they will frame the same immoral scandals against his wife if the solidarity for him and the demands for his release do not stop .8<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Naziha Rajiba (Om<\/st1:place> Zied)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

On February 28, 2004, the Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> appeals court sentenced Om Zied and Mohammed the Fifth Al-Hany to a six-month suspended sentence because she had 170 Euros in violation of the law.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

This is what Tunisian newspapers affiliated to the government published. However, the newspapers intentionally ignored the fact that Om Zied had refused to stand before the appeals court because she was convinced that it was not independent and defence before the court that is controlled by the executive authority is useless. In addition, she stated that this case was framed in a scandalous manner. She was carrying 170 Euros sent to Mohammed the Fifth by his brother via Om Zied to help him pay the rent of his flat after the security authorities had closed all doors for the man to find a living, simply because he is the brother of Abdel Wahab Al-Hani, an activist. Also, these newspapers did not publish the comic procedures by which the trial was conducted ; comic to the extent that the judge told one of the lawyers not to worry as there won\u2019t be any imprisonment. This only comes to prove that the sentence was pre-arranged.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Even more, the case-if you consider it to be one-does not carry a prison sentence in the first place. The case, according to law, simply entails confiscation ; not to mention the fact that the amount of money was small and trivial.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Om Zied, a teacher who had been teaching for 35 years, left her job with a reasoned resignation because of her fear of the police authorities that control teachers, particularly as Tunisian police are accustomed to attack teachers.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

After that she worked as a journalist with several newspapers in addition to her Web site Tunisia<\/st1:country-region>\u2019s Word http:\/\/www.kaklimatunisie.com<\/font><\/a> , one of the Web sites expressing independent press and which has been blocked in Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>. Because Om Zied is one of those who cannot accept the horrific practices of the Tunisian government and has her free pen to confront the government with, and because her husband is the activist lawyer Mohammed Al-Mokhtar Jelali, she is a target for dirty operations performed by the Tunisian security authorities and their allies. The last of these operations was on March 7, 2006, when her husband received an anonymous letter threatening him with a sexual scandal and demanding 100,000 Dinars in return for silence.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

A day before the letter arrived, Jelali received a telephone call in his office, also from an unknown person, using the same threats. The caller emphasised that he is not from the police and promised that Jelali would cry like a woman .9<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

In an article written by Om Zied, she presented evidence that the anonymous person is affiliated to the security authorities. She also insisted that such dirty operations do not affect her as they incriminate the perpetrators and not the victims .10<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Abdallah Al-Zawary<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

In early 1991, journalist for Al-Fajr newspaper Abdullah Al-Zawary was arrested in a campaign that targeted many Tunisian citizens. On charges of belonging to the banned Al-Nahda Islamic movement, he was imprisoned for 11 years. Following his initial release in June 2002, however, Tunisian security forces did allow him to enjoy the freedom he had been deprived of for so long.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Zawary was re-arrested in August 2002 and sentenced to another eight months in jail for not respecting monitoring procedures. After his release he contested a decision by the minister of interior to send him into internal exile in Al-Gerba district of Gergeis City, which lies 500 km<\/st1:metricconverter> away from his residence. The goal was to deprive him from living with his family, and to make his and his family\u2019s life difficult.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Zawary was released for a short period, during which a new case was being framed. He was accused of attacking the owner of an internet caf\u00e9 by insulting her in public. As a result he was sentenced to four months in prison.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Zawary remains exiled, deprived from work and from living with his family. He is restricted from contacting the foreign world, even through the internet.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026..<\/span><\/p>\n

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Conclusions<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

A report written by Hina Jilani, special rapporteur for the United Nations Commission of Human Rights (according to General Assembly resolution 55\/98 dated 4 December 2000 and the Commission for Human Rights resolution 61\/2000 dated 26 April 2000, which was ratified by the Economic and Social Council 220\/2000 on 16 June 2000), cited several different kinds of violations that human rights activists and journalists face across the world. The following is a selection of these points :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0 Exposure and criticism of policies and practices that violate human rights have resulted in legal proceedings against human rights defenders as a retaliatory measure. Many have suffered long drawn-out trials, sometimes under procedures that, reportedly, fall far short of the standards of a fair trial. – The reporting of human rights violations has frequently led to charges of spreading false information, defamation of authorities or disturbance of public order. The peaceful __expression of views on human rights issues has been termed as \u00ab\u00a0incitement\u00a0\u00bb, civic education programs have led to charges of sedition and criticism of discriminatory practices has been prosecuted as an offence against religion.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0 Mail and faxes are commonly intercepted, Internet facilities cut off and telephones tapped. Incidents of offices being broken into and theft of information have been reported. Computers and disks containing information on the work of NGOs are usually what are carried away.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0 Smear campaigns against human rights defenders have become a tool increasingly used to discredit their work. Government-controlled media are used for slanderous accusations and attacks on the honour and reputation of non-Government human rights organizations and individual defenders. Many such campaigns carry comments of senior government officials, targeting human rights defenders who criticize or expose repressive State policies or action.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0 Human rights activity is reviled in such terms as \u00ab\u00a0damaging national interests\u00a0\u00bb, \u00ab\u00a0disturbing social peace\u00a0\u00bb and, especially the propagation of women\u2019s human rights, spreading \u00ab\u00a0immorality\u00a0\u00bb or \u00ab\u00a0obscenity\u00a0\u00bb. In the case of women\u2019s human rights defenders, vilification of this nature by Government or non-State entities has resulted in physical attacks, threats and ostracism.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0 Finally, a growing number of States tend to create governmental NGOs in order to discredit the work of independent NGOs at the national and international level. 17<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

These points serve to clarify governmental malpractices against activists in the Arab world. And in the case of the three countries selected as case studies for the purposes of this report, the parallels are clear. As mentioned in the report, Tunisia<\/st1:country-region>, Egypt<\/st1:country-region> and Bahrain<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> have all established semi-governmental human rights councils, which work in apposition to independent organizations.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

However, none of these councils have condemned any of the \u2019dirty operations\u2019 perpetrated against activists and journalists. In Tunisia<\/st1:country-region>, the governmental human rights council in Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> took no steps to condemn the sentencing of journalist Mohammed Abbou, who was imprisoned for three and a half years for an article he wrote. The Egyptian National Council for Human Rights did not lobby for an investigation into the attacks perpetrated against women journalists during the referendum in 2005. Likewise, the Human Rights Committee in Bahrain<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> did not remind the minister of interior of his pledge to find out who sexually attacked Moussa Abd Aly.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The following are a series of recommendations issued by the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information to the relevant authorities. We have excluded security services as they are the tool used to carry out the \u2019dirty operations\u2019. In future, we hope the security apparatus proves itself worthy of the respect that would enable us to address its members as authorities who respect the law and the rules of dealing with political opposition.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Recommendations<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

To Arab Governments :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1. Announce a renewal of commitment and genuine abidance by international human rights agreements they have signed, and to stop issuing accusations against activists and journalists in political and criminal cases.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2. Administer their disputes with political opposition groups, activists and journalists in accordance to standards of respect and values, including holding accountable those involved in the \u2019dirty operations\u2019. To the media :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1. Abide by local and international professional codes of ethics, and work to maintain credibility.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2. Preserve the message of journalism by not allowing state security authorities to use media outlets to destroy the reputations of activists. To the public prosecution :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1. Work seriously to restore its independence, the remnants of which it is on the verge of losing. Its lack of independence has affected its credibility, because some members of the public prosecution have accepted to perform in the interest of governments and to be hijacked by the authorities in their political disputes.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2. Support the demand of human rights activists to revive the investigative judicial system, which supports the independence of judiciary and guarantees fair trials. To independent civil society :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1. Avoid turning a blind eye to violations against human rights activists, journalists and political opposition, regardless of pressure or incentive. This is key in the struggle to maintain independence.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2. Stand firm and collectively against \u2019dirty operations\u2019, and expose those involved in such practices. To government-sponsored human rights councils and committees :<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1. Preserve the sanctity of human rights work by ceasing to adulate governments while turning a blind eye to violations as shocking as cases of framing activists and journalists.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2. Use reasoned resignations if government bodies refrain from honouring pledges and continue implementing \u2019dirty operations\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Endnotes :<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

1- Ruling of the court of cassation on 6 November 1924 \u2013 Dr. Muhammad Abdullah, Publishing Crimes, pp. 289<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

2- Free Speech in an Open Society, Rodney A. Smolla.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

3- Steadfast in Protest \u2013 Annual Report 2005 of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders (FIDH\/OMCT), obs_annual_report_2005_eng.pdf<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

4- ibid<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

5- Lutfi Hajji is the founder of the independent Tunisian Press Syndicate. Security forces banned the convention of its first conference on 7 September 2005.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

6- Dr. Monsef Al-Marzuki, From Ruin to Institutionalisation hem.bredband.net (source originally in Arabic)<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

7- The Case of Mohammed About : In response to some of the questionable pens, Samir Ben Omar, The website of the Congress for the Republic : www.cprtunisie.net<\/font><\/a> <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

8- An interview with a source close to Mohammed Abbou\u2019s family<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

9- Inspirations from internal clips, an article written by Om<\/st1:place> Zied on 14 March 2006 www.kalimatunisie.com<\/font><\/a> <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

10- Ibid<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

11- Published on NDP-affiliated Good News 4 Me website www.gn4me.com<\/font><\/a> <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

12- Interview with Seleem Azzouz, Cairo<\/st1:place><\/st1:city>, 23 March 2006<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

13- Interview with Mohammed A in 2002<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

14- Statement by the Bahraini Centre for Human Rights issued on 31 March 2004 www.bchr.net<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

15- Hood online www.hoodonline.org<\/font><\/a> <\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

16- Press statement by Moussa Abd Aly<\/st1:city>, Bahrain<\/st1:country-region><\/st1:place> Online, 13 December 2005 www.bahrainonline.org<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

17- UN document A\/56\/341 published on 10 September 2001 N0153217.pdf<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

(<\/span>Source: <\/span><\/span> le site de l\u2019ONG \u00e9gyptienne HRINFO, le 11 avril 2006<\/span> <\/span> )<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

URL de l\u2019int\u00e9gralit\u00e9 du rapport:<\/span> http:\/\/www.hrinfo.net\/en\/reports\/re2006\/<\/font><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n\n

<\/span><\/i> <\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Truth About Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region><\/font><\/h2>\n

<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

New York<\/span><\/st1:place><\/st1:state> Sun Staff Editorial<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

April 12, 2006<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

The press counselor at Tunisia<\/st1:country-region>‘s embassy in Washington, Taoufik Chebbi, has written in contesting Eli<\/st1:placename> Lake<\/st1:placename><\/st1:place>‘s March 31 news story about the Tunisian regime’s intimidation of Neila Charchour Hachicha after she gave an interview to al-Jazeera complaining of the lack of free speech in her native land. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Mr. Chebbi talks about free speech but neglects to mention that our State Departments human rights report for 2005 says that of the eight \u00ab\u00a0mainstream\u00a0\u00bb dailies in the country, \u00ab\u00a0two were owned by the ruling party, and two, though nominally private, took editorial direction from senior government officials. All media were subject to significant governmental pressure over subject matter.\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

If Tunisia<\/st1:country-region>‘s press is free then why was lawyer Mohamed Abbou charged with disturbing the public order for printing a statement comparing his country’s political prisoners with those held in Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>? Why was Ali Ramzi Bettibi arrested in 2005 for posting a statement from Human Rights Watch on a Web site? Mr. Chebbi insists that Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> is a pluralistic society and opposition parties are free to compete in federal elections. But he neglects to mention that President Ben Ali racked up at 94% margin of victory in the 2004 vote.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

To be sure, Tunisia<\/st1:country-region> is not Cuba<\/st1:country-region>, Libya<\/st1:country-region> or Iran<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>. But we have had enough experience with soft authoritarianism to understand that official detentions, torture and death squads are not always necessary to keep control. Dissidents in Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> complain of the kind of intimidation of which Mr. Chebbi says is impossible. Ms. Hachicha told us last month that too many things have happened to her and her family since her interview on al-Jazeera to think this is a coincidence. Her husband has been charged with fraud, her daughter has been humiliated, her car has been stolen, and her friends have been urged to walk away from her. The sad fact about Tunisia<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region> is that Ms. Hachicha has more credibility than her government.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026\u2026<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

To read this article in its entirety, you must be a subscriber to NYSun.com<\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

(Source: Edito du \u00ab\u00a0New York<\/st1:state> Sun\u00a0\u00bb (USA<\/st1:place><\/st1:country-region>) du 12 avril 2006)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

URL: <\/span> http:\/\/www.nysun.com\/article\/30855<\/font><\/a> <\/span> <\/b><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Condi et les droits de l\u2019homme<\/font> <\/font><\/h2>\n

<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00c0 la diff\u00e9rence des habituels \u00ab Country Reports \u00bb que le d\u00e9partement d\u2019\u00c9tat am\u00e9ricain publie chaque ann\u00e9e, le document de 260 pages, pr\u00e9fac\u00e9 par la secr\u00e9taire d\u2019\u00c9tat Condoleezza Rice et intitul\u00e9 \u00ab Supporting Human Rights and Democracy. The US Record 2005-2006 \u00bb, est une premi\u00e8re. <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Sorte de revue de d\u00e9tail du travail accompli par les ambassades am\u00e9ricaines dans les 95 pays consid\u00e9r\u00e9s comme les plus probl\u00e9matiques en mati\u00e8re de droits de l\u2019homme selon les crit\u00e8res en vigueur \u00e0 Washington (Isra\u00ebl n\u2019y figure pas), ce rapport, d\u00e9voil\u00e9 le 5 avril, se veut une d\u00e9fense et illustration des \u00ab performances \u00bb d\u2019une administration Bush tr\u00e8s critiqu\u00e9e en ce domaine. R\u00e9sultat : une collection de bons points, d\u2019avertissements et de bl\u00e2mes adress\u00e9s unilat\u00e9ralement – notamment en Afrique. <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Dans la cat\u00e9gorie des pays \u00ab en progr\u00e8s \u00bb figurent ainsi le Maroc et l\u2019Alg\u00e9rie, mais aussi la Guin\u00e9e<\/st1:personname> (!), le Congo-Brazzaville, le Burkina et\u2026 la R\u00e9publique<\/st1:personname> autoproclam\u00e9e du Somaliland. <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Carton jaune en revanche pour<\/span><\/b> la Tunisie<\/b><\/st1:personname><\/span>, le Gabon, le Togo, le Cameroun, l\u2019Angola, la C\u00f4te<\/st1:personname> d\u2019Ivoire et m\u00eame la Mauritanie<\/st1:personname> – o\u00f9 Washington n\u2019a toujours pas dig\u00e9r\u00e9 le renversement de Ould Taya. La Libye<\/st1:personname> et la Guin\u00e9e<\/st1:personname> \u00e9quatoriale sont \u00e0 la limite du carton rouge. <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Enfin, quatre r\u00e9gimes sont consid\u00e9r\u00e9s comme quasi irr\u00e9cup\u00e9rables : ceux du Zimbabwe, du Soudan, de l\u2019\u00c9rythr\u00e9e et\u2026 du Tchad. Seuls les mauvais esprits verront un rapport entre le jugement au vitriol port\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019encontre du r\u00e9gime \u00ab clanique \u00bb d\u2019Idriss D\u00e9by Itno et la volont\u00e9 \u00e0 peine cach\u00e9e de certaines compagnies p\u00e9troli\u00e8res am\u00e9ricaines de voir ce dernier quitter le pouvoir\u2026 <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

(Source: Jeune Afrique, N\u00b0 2361 du 9 au 15 avril 2006)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

\n<\/div>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

Habib Selmi traduit en allemand<\/font><\/h2>\n

<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Publi\u00e9 en arabe (\u00e0 Beyrouth) en 2002 et en fran\u00e7ais en 2004 (\u00e9ditions Actes Sud), Ochaq Baya (Les Amants de Baya), roman du Tunisien Habib Selmi, para\u00eetra bient\u00f4t en allemand sous le titre Bajjas Liebhaber, aux \u00e9ditions Lenos Verlag, \u00e0 B\u00e2le, en Suisse. \u00c9crivain de langue arabe, auteur de six romans et quatre recueils de nouvelles, Habib Selmi r\u00e9side \u00e0 Paris depuis 1982.\u00a0 <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

(Source: Jeune Afrique, N\u00b0 2361 du 9 au 15 avril 2006)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

<\/font><\/span><\/font> <\/p>\n\n

<\/font><\/span> <\/p>\n

Op\u00e9ration Maghreb<\/font> <\/span><\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

par ABDELAZIZ BARROUHI <\/span><\/font><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Achat de 35 % de Tunisie T\u00e9l\u00e9com, investissements massifs au Maroc\u2026 Le groupe \u00e9mirati poursuit son irr\u00e9sistible expansion. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Le 29 mars 2006 aura \u00e9t\u00e9 un jour faste pour la Tunisie<\/st1:personname> et le Maroc. Un peu plus de 3 milliards de dollars (3,052) en cash pour l\u2019achat, par Dubai Technology, Electronic Commerce & Media Free Zone\/Dubai Investment Group (Tecom\/Dig), de 35 % de l\u2019op\u00e9rateur national Tunisie T\u00e9l\u00e9com (voir J.A. n\u00b0 2360). Le m\u00eame jour, 12 milliards de dollars sont engag\u00e9s au Maroc par Dig et sa branche immobili\u00e8re, Dubai International Properties (Dip), en pr\u00e9sence du roi Mohammed VI, en vue de la r\u00e9alisation d\u2019un programme immobilier dans les cinq prochaines ann\u00e9es, en partenariat avec deux soci\u00e9t\u00e9s marocaines : la Caisse<\/st1:personname> de d\u00e9p\u00f4t et de gestion (CDG) et SABR Management. Parmi les projets, celui des \u00ab Dubai Towers \u00bb, \u00e0 Casablanca. Co\u00fbt estim\u00e9 : 600 millions de dollars. Le complexe comprendra un h\u00f4tel, deux tours, dont une \u00e0 usage de bureaux, des immeubles r\u00e9sidentiels, des commerces et des loisirs. Toujours \u00e0 Casablanca, la Marina<\/st1:personname> co\u00fbtera quelque 500 millions de dollars. \u00c0 Rabat, le projet Amweej n\u00e9cessitera un investissement de 2 milliards de dollars pour la construction sur les rives du Bouregreg d\u2019un complexe touristique, r\u00e9sidentiel et d\u2019affaires. <\/span><\/p>\n

Tecom, Dig, ou Dip ne sont que des filiales. Derri\u00e8re eux, deux noms : Dubai Holding et Cheikh Mohamed Ibn Rachid al-Maktoum, \u00e9mir de Duba\u00ef, vice-pr\u00e9sident et Premier ministre des \u00c9mirats arabes unis (EAU). C\u2019est une entreprise de statut public, que l\u2019on dit charg\u00e9e aussi de faire fructifier la fortune de la famille r\u00e9gnante des Maktoum. Son pr\u00e9sident, Mohamed al-Gergawi, est ministre d\u2019\u00c9tat pour les affaires du cabinet \u00e0 Duba\u00ef. Le holding est propri\u00e9taire et gestionnaire d\u2019un portefeuille diversifi\u00e9 d\u2019une vingtaine de filiales op\u00e9rant dans divers secteurs d\u2019activit\u00e9 comme les t\u00e9l\u00e9communications et les technologies de l\u2019information, les march\u00e9s financiers, l\u2019\u00e9nergie, l\u2019immobilier, le tourisme et l\u2019h\u00f4tellerie de luxe, la biotechnologie, les industries manufacturi\u00e8res, les services portuaires, la sant\u00e9 et l\u2019\u00e9ducation. Des m\u00e9tiers qui se retrouvent le plus souvent en tandem, comme c\u2019est le cas en Tunisie. Tecom, cr\u00e9\u00e9 en 2000, est \u00e0 la fois un op\u00e9rateur de t\u00e9l\u00e9communications et de m\u00e9dias, \u00e0 l\u2019instar de Vivendi Universal. Les activit\u00e9s de Tecom rel\u00e8vent de la nouvelle \u00e9conomie. \u00c0 Duba\u00ef, il g\u00e8re une sorte de Silicon Valley qui rayonne sur l\u2019ensemble du Golfe et comprenant Dubai Media City, Knowledge Village, et Dubai Internet City. Plus de 5 500 personnes y travaillent. Les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s qui op\u00e8rent dans les zones couvertes par Tecom b\u00e9n\u00e9ficient des avantages fiscaux accord\u00e9s aux acteurs de la nouvelle \u00e9conomie. On y compte plus de 700 firmes op\u00e9rant dans les nouvelles technologies de l\u2019information et 200 dans les m\u00e9dias. Parmi les premiers, d\u2019illustres noms comme Sun, Microsoft, Oracle, IBM, Hewlett-Packard, Compaq, Dell, Siemens, Canon, Sony-Ericsson, Cisco. De grands m\u00e9dias internationaux y ont aussi install\u00e9 leurs bureaux r\u00e9gionaux comme Reuters, CNN, MBC, CNBC. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

En mati\u00e8re de t\u00e9l\u00e9communications, Tecom exer\u00e7ait jusque-l\u00e0 ce que l\u2019on appelle une \u00ab activit\u00e9 de niche \u00bb et employait 500 personnes \u00e0 Duba\u00ef. Il fournissait \u00e0 ses 19 000 abonn\u00e9s install\u00e9s dans ces zones franches (pour la plupart de grandes firmes \u00e9trang\u00e8res grandes consommatrices de t\u00e9l\u00e9coms) ou des quartiers r\u00e9sidentiels de haut standing l\u2019acc\u00e8s \u00e0 Internet, \u00e0 la transmission de donn\u00e9es, au t\u00e9l\u00e9phone fixe et \u00e0 la t\u00e9l\u00e9vision par c\u00e2ble. Tecom jouissait ainsi d\u2019un monopole dans ces zones, tandis qu\u2019Etisalat exer\u00e7ait un monopole de fait dans le reste des EAU. Tecom comme Etisalat viennent de perdre ces monopoles dans le cadre d\u2019une lib\u00e9ralisation du secteur et la cr\u00e9ation d\u2019un nouvel op\u00e9rateur : Emirates Integrated Telecommunications Company (EITC), qui va op\u00e9rer sous la marque \u00ab Du \u00bb et dont les actionnaires majoritaires sont publics, qu\u2019ils soient de Duba\u00ef ou d\u2019Abou Dhabi. Il s\u2019agit d\u2019une simple restructuration du secteur dans la mesure o\u00f9 le pr\u00e9sident de la nouvelle entit\u00e9 n\u2019est autre que Ahmed Ben Biyat, l\u2019un des principaux dirigeants de Dubai Holding et de Tecom. Ce dernier a donc c\u00e9d\u00e9 \u00e0 EITC, en f\u00e9vrier, ses actifs de t\u00e9l\u00e9phonie fixe situ\u00e9s \u00e0 Duba\u00ef pour 330 millions de dollars. Ce qui l\u2019int\u00e9resse d\u00e9sormais, ce n\u2019est plus le march\u00e9 local mais l\u2019expansion \u00e0 l\u2019international. D\u2019o\u00f9 l\u2019acquisition de Tunisie T\u00e9l\u00e9com, dont il pourra prendre le contr\u00f4le majoritaire dans un d\u00e9lai de quatre ans. D\u2019o\u00f9 aussi sa participation de 120 millions d\u2019euros, en octobre, dans le capital d\u2019Interoute, propri\u00e9taire et op\u00e9rateur du r\u00e9seau voix et donn\u00e9es le plus dense d\u2019Europe et fournisseur de solutions pour les entreprises. D\u2019o\u00f9, enfin, le rachat par Tecom d\u2019Axiom Telecom, le plus grand revendeur de t\u00e9l\u00e9phonie mobile au Moyen-Orient. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Avec Tecom, on retrouve Dig, bras financier de Dubai Holding, qui prend des participations directes dans les entreprises, op\u00e8re \u00e0 la Bourse<\/st1:personname> et investit dans l\u2019immobilier. Dig est \u00e0 chaque fois pr\u00e9sent aux c\u00f4t\u00e9s des filiales sectorielles (comme Tecom et Dip) dans leurs op\u00e9rations. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Ce qui est investi en Tunisie et au Maroc ne repr\u00e9sente qu\u2019une petite part de l\u2019offensive men\u00e9e dans le monde par les investisseurs de Dubai Holding. Aux \u00c9tats-Unis, le m\u00eame mois, Dubai Ports World (DPW), une autre filiale de Dubai Holding, a suscit\u00e9 une lev\u00e9e de boucliers au sein du Congr\u00e8s apr\u00e8s sa prise de contr\u00f4le de la gestion de six ports am\u00e9ricains (dont celui de New York) \u00e0 travers sa branche britannique, Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Company (P&O), rachet\u00e9e pour 6,8 milliards de dollars, faisant de DPW, d\u00e9j\u00e0 implant\u00e9 en Asie, en Australie, en Allemagne et au Venezuela, l\u2019un des premiers gestionnaires de ports dans le monde. \u00c0 Londres, l\u2019an dernier, Dubai International Capital (Dic) s\u2019est offert le fameux mus\u00e9e de cire Madame Tussauds pour 1,5 milliard de dollars. Puis a acquis 2 % du capital du constructeur automobile germano-am\u00e9ricain DaimlerChrysler pour 1 milliard de dollars, devenant ainsi le troisi\u00e8me actionnaire. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00ab En dix ou quinze ans, nous avons plac\u00e9 Duba\u00ef sur la carte mondiale \u00bb, se f\u00e9licite Mohamed al-Gergawi, commentant le retentissement soudain du d\u00e9ploiement \u00e0 l\u2019international du conglom\u00e9rat. Il aurait m\u00eame pu dire qu\u2019ils l\u2019ont sorti du n\u00e9ant, car, de tous les \u00e9mirats, sultanats et royaume du Golfe, seul Duba\u00ef ne dispose pas de r\u00e9serves importantes de p\u00e9trole, qui ne repr\u00e9sente que 6 % de son PIB. Juste r\u00e9compense, mais peut-\u00eatre aussi parce qu\u2019il est \u00e9pargn\u00e9 par la \u00ab mal\u00e9diction de l\u2019or noir \u00bb, Duba\u00ef est devenu une r\u00e9f\u00e9rence particuli\u00e8rement respect\u00e9e dans le monde arabe, o\u00f9 les hommes d\u2019affaires ne jurent plus que par lui. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

19 Filiales <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:placename> Media<\/st1:placename> City<\/st1:placetype><\/st1:place> <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:placename> Studio<\/st1:placename> City<\/st1:placetype><\/st1:place> <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Samacom <\/span> <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– International Media Production Zone <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai Internet City <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai Outsource Zone <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– eHostinq <\/span> <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai Properties <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai International Properties <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:place><\/st1:city> International Capital <\/span> <\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai Investment Group <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Empower <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:place><\/st1:city> Energy <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:placename> Knowledge<\/st1:placename> Village<\/st1:placetype><\/st1:place> <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:placename> Healthcare<\/st1:placename> City<\/st1:placetype><\/st1:place> <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubai<\/st1:placename> Industrial<\/st1:placename> City<\/st1:placetype><\/st1:place> <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubailand <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Jumeirah Group <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

– Dubiotech <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\n

Num\u00e9ro un arabe en Tunisie <\/span><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/p>\n

par ABDELAZIZ BARROUHI <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Avec l\u2019acquisition de Tunisie T\u00e9l\u00e9com, Dubai Holding se hisse \u00e0 la premi\u00e8re place des investisseurs arabes dans le pays, devan\u00e7ant le Kowe\u00eft et l\u2019Arabie saoudite. Dubai Holding est d\u00e9j\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent dans le capital de la compagnie a\u00e9rienne priv\u00e9e Karthago Airlines (\u00e0 hauteur de 10 %), de la Siame<\/st1:personname> (pr\u00e8s de 10 %) et de Somocer (Groupe Abdennadher, quelque 15 %). <\/span><\/p>\n

Pour les hommes d\u2019affaires tunisiens, c\u2019est un signe qui augure d\u2019investissements encore plus importants en provenance du Golfe. \u00ab Dubai Holding, ce sont des gens qui voient loin, d\u00e9clare un grand chef d\u2019entreprise. Ils ont une grosse assise financi\u00e8re et une exp\u00e9rience et expertise qui apporteront un plus \u00e0 Tunisie T\u00e9l\u00e9com. Mieux : c\u2019est l\u00e0 une initiative qui devrait \u00eatre suivie par d\u2019autres investissements, surtout que la Tunisie<\/st1:personname> pr\u00e9sente la particularit\u00e9 d\u2019\u00eatre un pays plein de ressources humaines, surtout dans le domaine des technologies de l\u2019information. \u00bb <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Confirmation d\u2019Ahmed Ben Biyat, pr\u00e9sident de Tecom, pour qui il s\u2019agit en effet d\u2019un \u00ab investissement strat\u00e9gique \u00bb et donc d\u2019\u00ab un premier pas \u00bb pour Tecom et la Tunisie. Et<\/st1:personname> aussi de Saoud Baalawi, pr\u00e9sident de Dig, qui estime que l\u2019op\u00e9ration Tunisie T\u00e9l\u00e9com annonce \u00ab un engagement \u00e0 long terme dans le march\u00e9 tunisien \u00bb. <\/span> <\/p>\n

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Peut-on r\u00e9habiliter un putschiste ?<\/font><\/h3>\n<\/p><\/div>\n

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par RIDHA K\u00c9FI <\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

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Auteur d\u2019un coup d\u2019\u00c9tat manqu\u00e9 contre Bourguiba, il fut ex\u00e9cut\u00e9 en 1963. Mais Lazhar Chra\u00efti fut aussi l\u2019un des h\u00e9ros de la lutte pour l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance\u2026 <\/strong> <\/span><\/p>\n

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Ancien mineur devenu chef des fellaghas (1952-1954) avant de tremper dans un complot contre feu le pr\u00e9sident Habib Bourguiba, en 1962, Lazhar Chra\u00efti continue d\u2019appara\u00eetre aux Tunisiens comme l\u2019incarnation du mal absolu. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

La post\u00e9rit\u00e9 n\u2019a conserv\u00e9 de lui que cette phrase terrible prononc\u00e9e en mimant le geste de l\u2019\u00e9gorgement : \u00ab Qos erras tinchif el-\u00e2rouq \u00bb (\u00ab Il suffit de couper la t\u00eate pour que les racines se dess\u00e8chent \u00bb)\u2026 Cela se passait dans sa maison d\u2019Ezzahra, pr\u00e8s de Tunis, dans la nuit du 18 au 19 d\u00e9cembre 1962, lors d\u2019une r\u00e9union pr\u00e9paratoire au putsch avort\u00e9 contre le premier pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique<\/st1:personname> tunisienne. Cinq jours plus tard, Chra\u00efti sera arr\u00eat\u00e9 avec vingt-quatre autres conjur\u00e9s, dont sept militaires… <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

\u00ab Gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 cet acte, les autres membres du gouvernement se trouveront d\u00e9sempar\u00e9s et ne pourront rien entreprendre contre le mouvement insurrectionnel ; il sera alors ais\u00e9 de les arr\u00eater et de les liquider \u00bb, avait-il ajout\u00e9, comme il l\u2019avouera au cours de son proc\u00e8s devant le tribunal militaire de Tunis, d\u00e9but janvier 1963. \u00c0 l\u2019issue dudit proc\u00e8s, treize accus\u00e9s – dont Chra\u00efti – seront condamn\u00e9s \u00e0 mort et ex\u00e9cut\u00e9s quelques jours plus tard. Les autres insurg\u00e9s seront condamn\u00e9s les uns aux travaux forc\u00e9s \u00e0 perp\u00e9tuit\u00e9, les autres \u00e0 des peines d\u2019emprisonnement de un \u00e0 dix ans. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Apr\u00e8s la destitution de Bourguiba, en novembre 1987, nombre de ses anciens compagnons de lutte devenus ses adversaires politiques – et, de ce fait, frapp\u00e9s d\u2019interdit ou confin\u00e9s dans un quasi-oubli durant tout son r\u00e8gne – furent r\u00e9habilit\u00e9s par son successeur. Parmi eux, Salah Ben Youssef, l\u2019ancien secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral du parti nationaliste N\u00e9o-Destour, assassin\u00e9 \u00e0 Francfort en 1961 par un commando \u00e0 la solde du \u00ab Combattant supr\u00eame \u00bb ; Tahar Ben Ammar, ancien pr\u00e9sident du Conseil et signataire du protocole de l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance ; ou encore Slimane Ben Slimane, un leader nationaliste proche du Parti communiste tunisien. <\/span><\/p>\n

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Surnomm\u00e9 le \u00ab Lion des montagnes Arbat \u00bb (un massif situ\u00e9 dans le sud-ouest du pays), Chra\u00efti est l\u2019un des rares h\u00e9ros de la lutte nationale \u00e0 n\u2019avoir pas eu droit \u00e0 cette reconnaissance posthume. C\u2019est pour r\u00e9parer cet oubli, pour ne pas dire cette injustice, qu\u2019un groupe de Tunisiens encore anonymes a cr\u00e9\u00e9, \u00e0 l\u2019occasion de la c\u00e9l\u00e9bration du cinquanti\u00e8me anniversaire de l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance, le 26 mars, un site Internet [ www.lazharchraiti.org<\/font><\/b><\/a> ] destin\u00e9 \u00e0 recueillir t\u00e9moignages et informations sur l\u2019ancien maquisard (dont on ne sait m\u00eame pas o\u00f9 il est enterr\u00e9). <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/p>\n

Qualifiant Chra\u00efti de \u00ab fervent patriote \u00bb et louant son \u00ab engagement courageux et intransigeant \u00bb en faveur de la libert\u00e9, les animateurs du site appellent \u00e9galement \u00e0 la r\u00e9habilitation des fellaghas, ces \u00aboubli\u00e9s de l\u2019Histoire \u00bb longtemps m\u00e9pris\u00e9s par les intellectuels, qui prirent le pouvoir apr\u00e8s l\u2019ind\u00e9pendance. Pour rompre un silence, qui, selon eux, \u00ab en dit long sur les dossiers secrets de la p\u00e9riode postind\u00e9pendante \u00bb, ils demandent \u00e0 l\u2019actuel gouvernement l\u2019ouverture des archives de la S\u00e9curit\u00e9<\/st1:personname> nationale, le d\u00e9lai de prescription \u00e9tant r\u00e9volu. Ils souhaitent par ailleurs que soit proc\u00e9d\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019identification et \u00e0 l\u2019exhumation du corps de Chra\u00efti afin de lui offrir une s\u00e9pulture digne de ce nom et permettre \u00e0 sa famille de b\u00e9n\u00e9ficier de \u00ab tous les droits qui d\u00e9coulent de cette r\u00e9habilitation \u00bb. En attendant, ils ont cru devoir lui dresser une s\u00e9pulture virtuelle sur leur site. <\/span><\/p>\n

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Cette initiative, louable en ce qu\u2019elle vise \u00e0 restituer la m\u00e9moire nationale sans exclusive, pose cependant une question : a-t-on le droit de r\u00e9habiliter un putschiste, l\u2019instigateur d\u2019une tentative d\u2019insurrection violente totalement \u00e9trang\u00e8re aux m\u0153urs tunisiennes ? Le d\u00e9bat est ouvert. Il ne concerne pas seulement les historiens. <\/span><\/p>\n

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(Source: Jeune Afrique, N\u00b0 2361 du 9 au 15 avril 2006)<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

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Home<\/span> – Accueil <\/span>– <\/span>\u0627\u0644\u0631\u0626\u064a\u0633\u064a\u0629<\/span><\/a><\/b><\/p>\n

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Home – Accueil – \u0627\u0644\u0631\u0626\u064a\u0633\u064a\u0629 TUNISNEWS 6\u00a0\u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0\u00a02151 du 12.04.2006 \u00a0archives : www.tunisnews.net Lib\u00e9ration: Un mort vivant en gr\u00e8ve de la faim en Tunisie Amnesty International: Lasad Jouhri , human rights defender – Urgent appeals HRinfo: No Rules, No Limits HRinfo: Tunisian press coupons misleading the press New York Sun Staff Editorial: Truth About Tunisia […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22040,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[56,37,29],"class_list":["post-18478","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-56","tag-37","tag-fr"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18478","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=18478"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/18478\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/22040"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=18478"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=18478"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=18478"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}