TUNISNEWS<\/strong><\/span> <\/font><\/font> <\/div>\n 8\u00a0\u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0\u00a02691 du 04.10.2007<\/span><\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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\u00a0archives : <\/font> www.tunisnews.net<\/font><\/a><\/blink><\/span><\/b> <\/font> <\/div>\n
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\u00a0Tunisie: Le TMG condamne la tentative des autorit\u00e9s de r\u00e9duire les voix r\u00e9calcitrantes au silence Vers l’Avenir: Sihem Bensedrine t\u00e9moigne \u00ab\u00a0L’islamisme \u00e9merge \u00e0 cause de Ben Ali\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/font> Libre Belgique: L’espace de libert\u00e9 se r\u00e9duit encore Libre Belgique : Gr\u00e8ve de la faim pour un local<\/font> Jaber Gafsi: Borhan Bsayess: l’homme qui a toujours raison La Tunisie \u00ab malmene’e \u00bb dans le rapport annuel de la fondation americaine \u00ab Freedom House \u00bb<\/font> Le Temps: Statut des ma\u00eetrisards dans les \u00e9coles primaires priv\u00e9es P\u00e9tition contre les tests ADN<\/font> R\u00e9alit\u00e9s: L\u2019opposition tunisienne : Des conflits et des diff\u00e9rends<\/strong><\/span><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
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R\u00e9alit\u00e9s: Qu\u2019est-ce qu\u2019un islamiste mod\u00e9r\u00e9 ?<\/font> R\u00e9alit\u00e9s: La le\u00e7on de Bizerte Reuters: Turquie – G\u00fcl s’engage \u00e0 poursuivre les r\u00e9formes malgr\u00e9 l’arm\u00e9e<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
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Tunisie: Le TMG condamne la tentative des autorit\u00e9s de r\u00e9duire les voix r\u00e9calcitrantes au silence<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
ARTICLE 19 et les autres membres du Groupe d’observation de la Tunisie (TMG) condamnent la d\u00e9cision de justice du 1er octobre 2007 visant \u00e0 expulser de leurs locaux le Parti D\u00e9mocrate Progressiste (PDP), un parti politique d’opposition reconnu, et \u00ab\u00a0El-Mawkef\u00a0\u00bb, le journal officiel du PDP. Cela faisait presque 13 ans que le journal hebdomadaire \u00e9tait dans ces locaux o\u00f9 il a d\u00fb subir un harc\u00e8lement r\u00e9p\u00e9titif et fr\u00e9quent de la part des autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes. <\/span><\/p>\n
Le directeur d'\u00a0\u00bbEl-Mawkef\u00a0\u00bb, Nejib Chebbi, et le secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral du PDP, Maya Jribi, sont en gr\u00e8ve de la faim depuis le 20 septembre 2007. Cette gr\u00e8ve de la faim vise \u00e0 protester contre le recours au syst\u00e8me judiciaire de la part des autorit\u00e9s pour faire taire \u00ab\u00a0les voix de la libert\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb. <\/span><\/p>\n
Cette d\u00e9cision de justice fait suite \u00e0 une plainte d\u00e9pos\u00e9e contre le directeur d'\u00a0\u00bbEl-Mawkef\u00a0\u00bb par le propri\u00e9taire des lieux pour l’usage que Nejib Chebbi faisait de l’appartement qu’il louait en tant que si\u00e8ge du PDP. Cette plainte et la condamnation qui a suivi \u00e0 l’encontre de Chebbi ont \u00e9t\u00e9 t\u00e9l\u00e9guid\u00e9es par les autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes qui n’ont pas h\u00e9sit\u00e9 \u00e0 faire pression sur les propri\u00e9taires. On nous a par ailleurs signal\u00e9 que d’autres branches du m\u00eame parti, dans le pass\u00e9, ont \u00e9galement \u00e9t\u00e9 expuls\u00e9es de mani\u00e8re similaire. <\/span><\/p>\n
La derni\u00e8re agression des forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 tunisiennes sur Lotfi Hajji, un journaliste de la cha\u00eene de t\u00e9l\u00e9vision Al-Jazeera, alors qu’il s’effor\u00e7ait de rendre compte de la gr\u00e8ve de la faim, d\u00e9montre le peu de cas que les autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes font de la libert\u00e9 d’expression dans le pays. On avait d\u00e9j\u00e0 interdit l’acc\u00e8s d'\u00a0\u00bbEl Mawkef\u00a0\u00bb et du PDP \u00e0 Lotfi Hajji \u00e0 trois reprises. Le 28 septembre et le 2 octobre, on l’a \u00e0 nouveau emp\u00each\u00e9 de p\u00e9n\u00e9trer dans les locaux du journal et du parti en question. <\/span><\/p>\n
Le TMG estime que la tentative flagrante de faire taire les voix discordantes par la censure, l’intimidation et l’utilisation d\u00e9tourn\u00e9e du syst\u00e8me judiciaire constituent une infraction \u00e9vidente du droit \u00e0 la libert\u00e9 d’expression, tel que d\u00e9fini \u00e0 l’article 19 du Pacte international relatif aux droits civils et politiques que la Tunisie a sign\u00e9 et ratifi\u00e9. <\/span><\/p>\n
Le TMG invite le gouvernement tunisien \u00e0 cesser toutes les proc\u00e9dures visant \u00e0 expulser le PDP de son si\u00e8ge et \u00e0 arr\u00eater la censure et le blocage d'\u00a0\u00bbEl-Mawkef\u00a0\u00bb et des sites web du journal et du PDP. Les deux sites web ont \u00e9t\u00e9 bloqu\u00e9s il y a quelques mois par les autorit\u00e9s. L’acc\u00e8s \u00e0 un autre site web, h\u00e9berg\u00e9 au Canada, est bloqu\u00e9 \u00e0 Tunis depuis 2005, bien qu’il soit actuellement accessible depuis l’\u00e9tranger. <\/span><\/p>\n
Le TMG soutient Nejib Chebbi et Maya Jribi dans leur campagne pour une plus grande reconnaissance des droits de l’Homme en Tunisie et invite la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile internationale \u00e0 le rejoindre dans ce soutien en signant la p\u00e9tition en ligne qui se trouve au lien suivant: <\/span> http:\/\/www.petitiononline.com\/pdpinfo\/petition.html<\/span><\/a><\/span> <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Les membres de l’IFEX-TMG: <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
R\u00e9seau d’information arabe des droits de l’Homme (HRINFO), \u00c9gypte ARTICLE 19, Royaume-Uni Journalistes canadiens pour la libert\u00e9 d’expression (CJFE), Canada Organisation \u00e9gyptienne pour les droits de l’Homme (EOHR), \u00c9gypte Index on Censorship, Royaume-Uni F\u00e9d\u00e9ration internationale des journalistes (FIJ), Belgique F\u00e9d\u00e9ration internationale des associations et institutions de biblioth\u00e8ques (IFLA), Pays-Bas Institut international de la presse (IIP), Autriche Union internationale des \u00e9diteurs (UIE), Suisse Journaliste en danger (JED), R\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique du Congo Media Institute of Southern Africa (MISA), Namibie Centre PEN norv\u00e9gien, Norv\u00e8ge Association mondiale des radiodiffuseurs communautaires (AMARC), Canada Association mondiale des journaux (AMJ), France World Press Freedom Committee (WPFC), \u00c9tats-Unis Comit\u00e9 des \u00e9crivains en prison de PEN International (WiPC), Royaume-Uni<\/span><\/p>\n
Le site web du TMG est accessible en anglais au: <\/span> http:\/\/campaigns.ifex.org\/tmg\/<\/span><\/a><\/span>; en fran\u00e7ais au: <\/span> http:\/\/campaigns.ifex.org\/tmg\/fr<\/span><\/a><\/span>; en arabe au: <\/span> http:\/\/www.hrinfo.net\/ifex\/wsis\/<\/span><\/a><\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n
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ARTICLE 19<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
PRESS RELEASE<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
For immediate release – 3 October 2007<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Tunisia: TMG Condemns Attempts by Authorities to Silence Dissenting Voices<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
ARTICLE 19 together with its fellow Tunisian Monitoring Group (TMG) members, condemns the court decision given on the 1st October to expel the officially acknowledged opposition party of the Tunisian ruling party; the Tunisian Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), and the PDP\u2019s official newspaper Al-Mawkef from their premises. The weekly newspaper had been stationed in its headquarters for nearly 13 years and has suffered repeated and frequent harassment from Tunisian authorities. The Director of Al-Mawkef, Nejib Chebbi, and the Secretary General of the PDP, Maya Jribi, have been on hunger strike since the 20th September. The hunger strike was initiated in protest to the authorities\u2019 use of the judicial system to \u2018silence the voices of freedom\u2019; this came following a case brought against the Al-Mawkef director by his landlord for using the apartment he was hiring as PDP headquarters. This charge and subsequent conviction was brought against Chebbi at the behest of the Tunisian authorities who pressurise landlords to act. It is reported that similar branches of the same party have, in the past, also been evicted in similar ways. The latest attack by the Tunisian security forces on Lotfi Hajji, a reporter for the television station Al-Jazeera, when he attempted to report on the hunger strike, demonstrates the poor level of recognition of freedom of expression rights in the country. Hajji had been prevented from entering PDP & Al-Mawkef headquarters three times already and was again on the 28th September and 2nd October prevented from entering the newspaper and party offices. The TMG sees the blatant attempt to silence dissenting voices through censorship, intimidation and appalling use of judicial courts, as an obvious infringement on the fundamental human right to freedom of expression, enshrined in Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which Tunisia has both signed and ratified. The TMG calls on the Tunisian government to stop all procedures to expel the PDP from its office and to stop all censorship and blockage of Al-Mawkef and the Progressive Democratic Party\u2019s websites. Two websites were blocked a few months ago by the authorities. Access to another website, hosted in Canada, has been blocked in Tunis since 2005 although it is currently accessible from overseas. The TMG lends its support to Nejib Chebbi and Mya Jribi in their campaign for greater acknowledgment of Tunisian human rights and calls on international society demonstrate their support for their case in signing the online petition http:\/\/www.petitiononline.com\/pdpinfo\/petition.html<\/a>. Members of the TMG are:<\/b> Arabic Network for Human Rights Information (HRInfo): www.hrinfo.net<\/a> ARTICLE 19: www.article19.org<\/a> Canadian Journalists for Free Expression: www.cjfe.org<\/a> Cartoonists Rights Network International: www.cartoonistrights.com<\/a> Egyptian Organisation for Human Rights: www.eohr.org<\/a> Index on Censorship: www.indexonline.org<\/a> International Federation of Journalists: www.ifj.org<\/a>\u00a0 International Federation of Library Association and Institutions: www.ifla.org\/faife<\/a> International PEN – Writers in Prison Committee: www.internationalpen.org.uk<\/a> International Press Institute: www.freemedia.at<\/a> International Publishers’ Association: www.ipa-uie.org<\/a> Journaliste en Danger: www.jed-afrique.org<\/a> Media Institute of Southern Africa: www.misa.org<\/a> Norwegian PEN: www.norskpen.no<\/a> World Association of Newspapers: www.wan-press.org<\/a> World Press Freedom Committee: www.wpfc.org<\/a> World Association of Community Radio Broadcasters: www.amarc.org<\/a> \u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
NOTES TO EDITORS<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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For more information, please contact Africa Programme Officer, Roxanne Abdulali, roxanne@article19.org<\/a>, tel; +44 207 843 9620<\/span> <\/li>\n
To contact the TMG, send an e-mail to mena@ifex.org<\/a>\u00a0 <\/span><\/li>\n
The TMG website is accessible in English: http:\/\/campaigns.ifex.org\/tmg\/<\/a>; French: http:\/\/campaigns.ifex.org\/tmg\/fr<\/a>; Arabic: http:\/\/www.hrinfo.net\/ifex\/wsis\/<\/a> <\/span><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
ARTICLE 19 is an independent human rights organisation that works globally to protect and promote the right to freedom of expression. It takes its name from Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which guarantees free speech.<\/span><\/p>\n
If you no longer wish to remain on ARTICLE 19’s mailing list, please unsubscribe here<\/a>\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
Alternatively, if you would like to receive region specific information<\/b> only, send an email to subscribe<\/a> stating which regions you would like to receive information about.<\/span><\/p>\n
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ARTICLE 19 6-8 Amwell Street London EC1R 1UQ United Kingdom Tel: +44 20 7278 9292 – Fax: +44 20 7278 7660 – info@article19.org<\/a> – www.article19.org<\/a><\/span> \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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TUNISIE<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00ab\u00a0L’islamisme \u00e9merge \u00e0 cause de Ben Ali\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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La politique de r\u00e9pression du pr\u00e9sident tunisien Ben Ali favorise l’\u00e9mergence de l’islamisme radical. La journaliste Sihem Bensedrine t\u00e9moigne.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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La journaliste Sihem Bensedrine est l’une des grandes figures de la d\u00e9fense des libert\u00e9s en Tunisie. Invit\u00e9e \u00e0 Bruxelles par Front Line, la fondation internationale pour la protection des d\u00e9fenseurs des droits de l’homme, elle dresse un bilan alarmant de la situation dans son pays.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Vingt ans apr\u00e8s l’arriv\u00e9e au pouvoir de Ben Ali, o\u00f9 en est la Tunisie en mati\u00e8re de droits de<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
l’homme?<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Les droits de l’homme en Tunisie sont une rh\u00e9torique de propagande, mais pas une r\u00e9alit\u00e9. Chaque jour, on se dit qu’on \u00e9tait mieux avant. Nous n’avons jamais connu le niveau d’asphyxie des libert\u00e9s auquel nous sommes parvenus. Il y a 20 ans, les ONG ind\u00e9pendantes pouvaient encore tenir des r\u00e9unions plus ou moins publiques, ce qui est exclu aujourd’hui. La bataille des locaux est devenue un enjeu majeur pour la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile tunisienne. Le pouvoir nous fait d\u00e9guerpir un \u00e0 un de nos propres locaux et fait pression sur les propri\u00e9taires pour qu’ils ne nous louent pas de b\u00e2timent. Il y a quelques jours, le local du Conseil des libert\u00e9s auquel j’appartiens a \u00e9t\u00e9 encercl\u00e9 par une cinquantaine de policiers en civil. Ils ont interdit \u00e0 tout le monde d’entrer parce qu’on devait tenir une r\u00e9union de notre bureau directeur. Chaque jour, un petit morceau de nos libert\u00e9s s’en va. La r\u00e9pression atteint des proportions inimaginables et alarmantes.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
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Le r\u00e9gime vous a-t-il menac\u00e9e?<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Aucun d\u00e9fenseur des droits de l’homme n’y \u00e9chappe. Pendant 4 \u00e0 5 ans, mon mari et moi avons \u00e9t\u00e9 interdits de travail. Ils ont ferm\u00e9 ma maison d’\u00e9dition. Ils ont mis mon mari en r\u00e9sidence surveill\u00e9 pour qu’il ne puisse pas s’occuper de son exploitation. Ils nous ont affam\u00e9s. La pers\u00e9cution \u00e9conomique touche de nombreux d\u00e9fenseurs des libert\u00e9s.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
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Redoutez-vous que la situation s’aggrave \u00e0 l’approche de la pr\u00e9sidentielle de 2009?<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Le pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali brigue un 5e mandat. Sa campagne a d\u00e9j\u00e0 d\u00e9marr\u00e9 et le jeu est totalement ferm\u00e9. Personne ne peut se porter candidat sauf lui et les gens qu’il d\u00e9signe lui-m\u00eame comme<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
ses pseudo-concurrents. En interdisant \u00e0 l’opposition toute activit\u00e9, il cr\u00e9e un vide total, une d\u00e9sertification de l’espace de d\u00e9bat public o\u00f9 s’engouffre l’islamisme radical. Des mouvements<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
salafistes voient le jour, ce que n’existait pas chez nous auparavant. Le d\u00e9sespoir jette les jeunes Tunisiens dans les bras des extr\u00e9mistes.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
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Sont-ils aussi pers\u00e9cut\u00e9s?<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Bien s\u00fbr. Ils sont arr\u00eat\u00e9s, tortur\u00e9s, jet\u00e9s en prison. Nous suivons ces affaires en tant qu’observateurs et l’on mesure avec effroi leur d\u00e9termination. Ils nous disent que notre combat ne m\u00e8ne \u00e0 rien, que la voie pacifiste conduit \u00e0 l’impasse et que le seul langage que comprend ce r\u00e9gime, c’est la violence.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
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Comment expliquez-vous le silence de l’UE?<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
L’UE ne fait rien ou ne veut rien faire parce que les questions s\u00e9curitaires sont prioritaires. C’est la politique de compromission de la France qui s’impose. Mais cette approche est contreproductive.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
Maintenant, nous avons notre lot d’extr\u00e9mistes et le pays est r\u00e9ellement menac\u00e9. La Tunisie, qui avait tous les atouts pour \u00eatre un pays d\u00e9mocratique, se trouve dans un \u00e9tat de r\u00e9gression g\u00e9n\u00e9rale par le fait d’un dictateur. Ben Ali a d\u00e9cid\u00e9 de prendre en otage ce pays d\u00e9sormais expos\u00e9 \u00e0 des risques extr\u00eames qui n’existaient pas avant.<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n
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Catherine DEHAY<\/span><\/i><\/b><\/p>\n
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(Source\u00a0: \u00ab\u00a0Vers l’Avenir\u00a0\u00bb, (Quotidien \u2013 Belgique), le 1^{er<\/sup> octobre 2007)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n}
Lien\u00a0: http:\/\/www.actu24.be\/article\/monde\/lislamisme_emerge_a_cause_de_ben_ali\/41835.aspx<\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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L’espace de libert\u00e9 se r\u00e9duit encore<\/font><\/h2>\n
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G\u00e9rald Papy<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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Le r\u00e9gime du pr\u00e9sident Ben Ali va f\u00eater son 20e anniversaire en novembre.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Pour la journaliste Sihem Bensedrine, la r\u00e9pression n’a jamais \u00e9t\u00e9 aussi f\u00e9roce.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Elle se dit d\u00e9\u00e7ue de la frilosit\u00e9 de l’Union europ\u00e9enne.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Le 7 novembre, la Tunisie c\u00e9l\u00e9brera le 20e anniversaire de l’accession au pouvoir du pr\u00e9sident Zine el Abidine Ben Ali. La Fondation internationale pour la protection des d\u00e9fenseurs des droits de l’homme \u00ab\u00a0Front Line\u00a0\u00bb a voulu, \u00e0 cette occasion, dress\u00e9 un bilan de la situation des droits humains dans ce \u00ab\u00a0pays proche\u00a0\u00bb, comme le vantait il y a quelques ann\u00e9es la publicit\u00e9. Elle avait invit\u00e9 jeudi \u00e0 Bruxelles la journaliste, Sihem Bensedrine, une des grandes figures de la d\u00e9fense des libert\u00e9s face \u00e0 la r\u00e9pression d’une \u00ab\u00a0petite dictature tol\u00e9r\u00e9e et tol\u00e9rable\u00a0\u00bb aux yeux de beaucoup d’Occidentaux.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Que retient Sihem Bensedrine de ces vingt derni\u00e8res ann\u00e9es ? \u00ab\u00a0Il y a vingt ans, mat\u00e9riellement, je vivais mieux. Je pouvais \u00e9crire librement. Nous pouvions nous r\u00e9unir librement et manifester. En vingt ans, le pouvoir de Ben Ali nous a permis d’organiser une seule manifestation, celle contre la guerre en Irak, en 2003\u00a0\u00bb. Certes, Mme Bensedrine reconna\u00eet l’acquis d’une certaine r\u00e9ussite \u00e9conomique. \u00ab\u00a0Mais cette r\u00e9ussite \u00e9conomique n’est pas au niveau de nos capacit\u00e9s\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Pour la courageuse d\u00e9fenderesse des droits de l’homme, la Tunisie depuis vingt ans, c’est l’histoire d’un g\u00e2chis et d’une occasion manqu\u00e9e. Ce pays avait \u00ab\u00a0une chance r\u00e9elle d’instaurer une d\u00e9mocratie du fait de ses traditions et de ses atouts au niveau social et \u00e9conomique, explique-t-elle. Mais la Tunisie a \u00e9t\u00e9 prise en otage par une famille\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n
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La lutte contre l’extr\u00e9misme islamiste y a \u00e9t\u00e9 d\u00e9voy\u00e9e en r\u00e9pression de toute opposition, d\u00e9mocratique y comprise. R\u00e9sultat : \u00ab\u00a0On a produit une d\u00e9sertification de l’espace de d\u00e9bat public. Ce qui conduit, notamment aujourd’hui, \u00e0 l’\u00e9mergence d’une mouvance islamiste salafiste qui auparavant, n’avait pas droit de cit\u00e9, car elle \u00e9tait jug\u00e9e trop r\u00e9trograde par rapport au niveau d’\u00e9ducation de la population\u00a0\u00bb, diagnostique Sihem Bensedrine. La journaliste s’inqui\u00e8te en particulier du sort de nombreux jeunes; \u00ab\u00a0ces jeunes qui constatent que pour eux, tout se ferme\u00a0\u00bb; \u00ab\u00a0ils \u00e9clatent\u00a0\u00bb.<\/span><\/p>\n
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M\u00e9nager le pouvoir<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Face \u00e0 ce constat accablant, la porte-parole du Conseil national pour les libert\u00e9s en Tunisie (CNLT) d\u00e9plore le d\u00e9sint\u00e9r\u00eat qu’affiche l’Union europ\u00e9enne \u00e0 l’\u00e9gard de l’\u00e9tat des libert\u00e9s fondamentales en Tunisie. Elle qui a eu des entretiens avec des fonctionnaires d\u00e9pendant de la commissaire aux Relations ext\u00e9rieures, Benita Ferrero-Waldner, d\u00e9nonce une certaine complaisance \u00e0 l’\u00e9gard de la dictature de Ben Ali.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Et si l’argument de la \u00ab\u00a0guerre contre le terrorisme\u00a0\u00bb ne lui est plus oppos\u00e9 pour justifier cette attitude comme il pouvait l’\u00eatre dans les ann\u00e9es qui ont directement suivi les attentats du 11 septembre, elle a l’impression qu’on essaye de lui faire comprendre qu’il faut m\u00e9nager le pouvoir en place parce que, somme toute, il pourrait se targuer d’une r\u00e9ussite \u00e9conomique et de succ\u00e8s contre les islamistes. A voir.<\/span><\/p>\n
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(Source\u00a0: \u00ab\u00a0Libre Belgique\u00a0\u00bb (Quotidien \u2013 Belgique), le 28 septembre 2007)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Lien\u00a0:<\/span> <\/span> http:\/\/www.lalibre.be\/article.phtml?id=10&subid=83&art_id=373469<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Gr\u00e8ve de la faim pour un local<\/font><\/h2>\n
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G\u00e9rald Papy<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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Depuis le jeudi 20 septembre, la secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9rale du Parti d\u00e9mocratique progressiste (PDP, opposition l\u00e9gale), Maya Jribi, et N\u00e9jib Chebbi, son pr\u00e9d\u00e9cesseur, m\u00e8nent une gr\u00e8ve de la faim pour protester contre les menaces qui p\u00e8sent sur l’utilisation de leur bureau, un des rares espaces de libert\u00e9 publique encore ouvert \u00e0 Tunis. <\/span><\/p>\n
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En fait, le propri\u00e9taire du lieu a engag\u00e9 une proc\u00e9dure judiciaire en extr\u00eame urgence sous pr\u00e9texte que le local \u00e9tait destin\u00e9 aux activit\u00e9s de l’hebdomadaire \u00ab\u00a0al Mawkef\u00a0\u00bb, la publication du PDP, et pas \u00e0 celles du parti lui-m\u00eame.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Pour Sihem Bensedrine, il s’agit d’une nouvelle illustration de la strat\u00e9gie du pouvoir visant \u00e0 faire taire les voix de l’opposition d\u00e9mocratique. \u00ab\u00a0C’est un aspect concret de la r\u00e9pression\u00a0\u00bb, commente-t-elle.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Un constat confirm\u00e9 par Vincent Forrest, directeur du bureau de l’organisation \u00ab\u00a0Front Line\u00a0\u00bb \u00e0 Bruxelles. Celui-ci rappelle les difficult\u00e9s qu’il a rencontr\u00e9es pour mener \u00e0 bien une mission de l’organisation, du 19 au 24 mai 2007. Il a notamment \u00e9t\u00e9 contraint de tenir une r\u00e9union avec des d\u00e9fenseurs des droits de l’homme dans un… grand magasin.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Vincent Forrest d\u00e9nonce aussi les pressions qui sont exerc\u00e9es sur leur famille pour entraver le travail des militants des droits humains. Il en va ainsi de ces magistrats nomm\u00e9s \u00e0 des centaines de km de leur domicile pour rendre leur vie de famille particuli\u00e8rement p\u00e9nible.<\/span><\/p>\n
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(Source\u00a0: \u00ab\u00a0Libre Belgique\u00a0\u00bb (Quotidien \u2013 Belgique), le 28 septembre 2007)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Lien\u00a0:<\/span> <\/span> http:\/\/www.lalibre.be\/article.phtml?id=10&subid=83&art_id=373466<\/span><\/u><\/b><\/p>\n<\/div>\n
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Borhan Bsayess: l’homme qui a toujours raison<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
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Jaber Gafsi – Sociologue<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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Mr Borhan Bsayess <\/b>a vraiment excell\u00e9 dans sa d\u00e9fense intelligente du pouvoir <\/span>en \u00e9pousant un discours compr\u00e9hensif et calme voulant se montrer logique et neutre. C\u2019est un discours convaincant \u00e0 l’entendre suivant une lecture de premier degr\u00e9 qui ferme les yeux sur l’historique de la chose \u00e0 savoir la bataille des si\u00e8ges du PDP<\/b> dans les r\u00e9gions. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Dieu seul sait combien de fois ce parti a lou\u00e9 un local \u00e0 JENDOUBA, \u00e0 GABES, \u00e0 KAIROUAN, \u00e0 Medenine…. et apr\u00e8s 24 heures de la signature du contrat, le pauvre propri\u00e9taire malchanceux revenait sur son engagement en pleurant et en suppliant les responsables r\u00e9gionaux du parti d’annuler ce maudit contrat de location, parce qu\u2019il avait subit maintes pressions et menaces susceptibles de rendre sa vie personnelle et familiale infernale et insupportable. <\/span><\/p>\n
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De ce point de vue ce qu’ont fait Mme Jribi et Mr Chebbi <\/b>n’est pas du cin\u00e9ma ou du th\u00e9\u00e2tre mais une lecture approfondie et \u00e9veill\u00e9e de l’intention du pouvoir de couper la route devant ce parti politique qui a commenc\u00e9 \u00e0 d\u00e9passer le seuil du travail politique permis, et qui n’est autre qu’embellir la vitrine d\u00e9mocratique du pays devant le monde ext\u00e9rieur. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Que le PDP soit la voix de ceux qui n’ont pas le droit \u00e0 la parole et \u00e0 la citoyennet\u00e9, <\/span><\/p>\n
qu’il commence \u00e0 mobiliser des gens et surtout des jeunes dans presque toutes les r\u00e9gions du pays, qu’il entreprenne de bonnes relations avec les forces s\u00e9rieuses et sinc\u00e8res de l’opposition d\u00e9mocratiques y compris les islamistes.., cela repr\u00e9sente aux yeux du pouvoir un v\u00e9ritable d\u00e9fi arrogant et impoli qui ne doit jamais \u00eatre tol\u00e9r\u00e9. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Cela-dit, la r\u00e9ponse du PDP n’a pas \u00e9t\u00e9 de baisser la garde et de s’incliner devant la temp\u00eate mais de militer courageusement et pacifiquement avec tous les hommes libres de ce pays <\/span><\/p>\n
pour combattre cette injustice et arracher son droit au travail politique l\u00e9gal et ind\u00e9pendant m\u00eame au prix de sacrifier la vie de se leaders historiques et politiques. C’est une grande le\u00e7on de g\u00e9n\u00e9rosit\u00e9 et de d\u00e9vouement compl\u00e8tement \u00e9trang\u00e8re et incompr\u00e9hensible dans les partis de mercantilisme politique et de l’opposition du d\u00e9cor. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Pour ce qui concerne l’invitation \u00e0 l’ing\u00e9rence des pays \u00e9trangers dans les affaires internes du pays <\/b>et par cons\u00e9quent l’accusation du parti de d\u00e9pendance aux forces ext\u00e9rieures imp\u00e9rialistes et ennemies du pays…, c’est une accusation qui fait rire au point de vomir quand elle vient de la part d’une instance qui se d\u00e9clare ouvertement amie fid\u00e8le des Etats Unis et des pays d\u00e9mocratiques de l’occident et qui n’a pas froid aux yeux d’entreprendre des relations diplomatiques secr\u00e8tes avec l’ennemi v\u00e9ritable de la nation \u00e0 savoir l’Etat d’Isra\u00ebl sans mettre au courant son peuple de cette d\u00e9cision grave et inattendue. <\/span><\/p>\n
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En outre, l’Etat tunisien nous a accoutum\u00e9 de ne pas r\u00e9pondre aux demandes l\u00e9gales et justes de l’opposition patriotique et de se soumettre aux recommandations et pression des pays \u00e9trangers comme c’\u00e9tait le cas dans l’affaire Ben Brick, Ben Sedrine, Marzouki, Abbou et bien d’autres…<\/u><\/i> <\/span><\/p>\n
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En plus l’action politique est de nature pragmatique et souple. On ne peut pas \u00eatre cat\u00e9gorique et extr\u00e9miste au sens de tout prendre ou tout laisser. Certes les Etats Unis est un pays imp\u00e9rialiste qui a des intentions n\u00e9ocolonialistes et qui soutient aveuglement les int\u00e9r\u00eats sionistes de l’Etat d’Isra\u00ebl, mais cela n’emp\u00eache pas que tout le monde entretienne des relations diplomatiques avec cette force internationale. Cela dit, tous ceux qui \u00e9tablissent des accords bilat\u00e9raux avec les Etats Unis ne sont pas automatiquement des pions ou des mercenaires. C’est un discours extr\u00e9miste et obscurantiste \u00e0 travers lequel Mr Bsayes marque un changement de camp de 180 degr\u00e9s, et par cons\u00e9quent ne trouvant aucun mal \u00e0 admettre une logique int\u00e9griste qui exclut l’autre et le ridiculise en mettant en question son degr\u00e9 de patriotisme et d’appartenance \u00e0 ce pays, tout \u00e0 fait comme le font certains salafistes qui accusent leurs ennemis de manque de foie et de religiosit\u00e9.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Finalement je tiens \u00e0 rappeler Mr Bsayes, qui est sociologue de formation, des ABC de la sociologie et des sciences humaines, qu’en mati\u00e8re des relations et des int\u00e9r\u00eats humains il n’y a pas d’automatisme<\/b> et de d\u00e9terminisme<\/b>. Un mouvement social fonctionne en terme de croisement objectif d’int\u00e9r\u00eats et de strat\u00e9gies conscientes des acteurs sociaux.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Freedom House<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Press release<\/span><\/u><\/i><\/p>\n
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Despite Economic Growth, Political Freedom in North Africa is Stagnant or Declining<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Washington, D.C.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
October 1, 2007<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Although North Africa has experienced some economic progress over the past two years, the leaders of Algeria, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia remain fundamentally undemocratic and, in some cases, have reversed earlier gains in freedom, according to a report released by Freedom House.<\/span><\/p>\n
Countries at the Crossroads<\/span><\/em>, an annual survey of government performance in 30 strategically important countries worldwide, reported that despite some success in implementing economic reforms, North African leaders\u2019 rhetoric about increasing political freedoms remains empty, and civil liberties remain extremely restricted.<\/span><\/p>\n
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The narrative and scores from Countries at the Crossroads 2007<\/a><\/span><\/em> for Algeria<\/a> (Arabic<\/a> version), Egypt<\/a> (Arabic<\/a> version), Libya<\/a> (Arabic<\/a> version), and Tunisia<\/a> are available online.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
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\u201cGovernment officials across North Africa have placed an emphasis on economic growth in their countries, and have had some success,\u201d said Thomas O. Melia, deputy executive director of Freedom House. \u201cHowever, those same leaders are doing very little to achieve political reform, which imposes limits on how far economic progress may go. Many have been in power for years\u2014in some cases decades\u2014and yet haven\u2019t achieved significant reforms.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n
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Most of the countries in the region have made strides economically in the past two years. In Tunisia, the government continues to have some success with new economic strategies, as well as with education and anti-poverty policies. Nonetheless, political conditions remain extremely restricted. President Zine Al-Abidine Bin Ali continues his policy of \u201cinstitutionalization,\u201d creating the appearance of democracy without the substance. There is no opportunity for the rotation of power among political parties or leaders representing competing interests and policy options.<\/span><\/p>\n
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In Libya, the government finally succeeded in ending its isolation and has re-joined the international community. Although the government has taken some tentative steps in the direction of economic reform, political change has remained largely off the agenda. President Muammar Qadhafi continues to impose his own ideology on the population and maintains control over virtually all aspects of life inside the country, as he has for the past 38 years.<\/span><\/p>\n
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Algeria also has made considerable progress toward reducing internal violence, improving economic conditions, and reforming some public institutions. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has been unwilling, however, to spend political capital on democratizing the country\u2019s political process and moving toward a market-propelled economy. He continues to bid for greater authority, contradicting his spoken commitment to democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n
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\u201cProspects for political freedom in the region are not completely hopeless,\u201d said Richard Eisendorf, senior program manager for the Middle East and North Africa at Freedom House. \u201cThe Tunisian and Libyan governments both released a number of political prisoners last year, and both are supporting women rights. Additionally, Algeria\u2019s charter on truth and reconciliation helped move that nation forward and away from violence. But when one examines the big picture, it is clear that the ability of people in the region to enjoy universally-accepted political and civil rights is still extremely limited,\u201d added Mr. Eisendorf.\u00a0 <\/span><\/p>\n
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Only in Egypt has the government been both economically unsuccessful as well as politically repressive. In 2006 and 2007, President Hosni Mubarak turned his back on his 2005 campaign promises of enacting political reforms; instead, he waged a national campaign to crack down on dissidents. <\/span> <\/p>\n
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The Freedom House survey, Countries at the Crossroads<\/span><\/em>, provides a comparative evaluation of government performance in four touchstone areas of democratic governance: Accountability and Public Voice, Civil Liberties, Rule of Law, and Anticorruption and Transparency. This survey examines these areas of performance in a set of 30 countries that are at a critical crossroads in determining their political future. <\/span><\/p>\n
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Freedom House, an independent nongovernmental organization that supports the expansion of freedom around the world, has been monitoring political rights and civil liberties in North Africa since 1972.<\/span><\/font><\/p>\n
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(Source: le site de \u201cFreedom House\u201d, le 1er octobre 2007)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Lien:<\/span> http:\/\/www.freedomhouse.org\/template.cfm?page=70&release=562<\/a><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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LA TUNISIE \u00ab\u00a0MALMENEE\u00a0\u00bb DANS LE RAPPORT ANNUEL DE LA FONDATION AMERICAINE \u00ab\u00a0FREEDOM HOUSE\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/font><\/strong><\/p>\n
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C<\/span>ountries at the Crossroads 2007<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Country Report \u2013 Tunisia<\/span><\/font><\/h5>\n
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Capital: Tunis<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Population: 10,100,000<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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GDP: 2880<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Scores:<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Accountability and Public Voice: 1.74<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Civil Liberties: 3.11<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Rule of Law: 2.92<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Anticorruption and Transparency: 3.08<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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(Scores are based on a scale of 0 to 7, with 0 representing weakest and 7 representing strongest performance.)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Introduction<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
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Tunisia is a small, semiarid Mediterranean country on the northern coast of Africa. Villages and rain-fed agriculture supplemented by groundwater irrigation dominate <\/span><\/strong>the rural landscape. Land distribution is typically skewed toward large landholders, <\/span><\/strong>and agricultural production varies enormously with rainfall.<\/span><\/p>\n
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The largely homogeneous population of approximately 10 million is primarily Arab and Sunni Muslim. Like Algeria and Morocco, Tunisia was subjected to French colonial rule. Since independence in 1956, Tunisian politics have featured a hegemonic, authoritarian political party whose name has changed over time. Currently the party is known as the Rassemblement Constitutionelle Democratique<\/span><\/em> (Constitutional Democratic Rally, or RCD). Borrowing key cadres from the party to fill bureaucratic and government posts, Tunisia\u2019s first postindependence president, Habib Bourguiba, built a new institutional order that replaced the French colonial system. To consolidate its rule, the single-party state utilized ancillary corporatist organizations to pull various social forces under the state-party umbrella. These included labor, peasant, business, student, and professional associations. Atop the system stood the Tunisian president, who was both head of the ruling party and head of state.<\/span><\/p>\n
Since independence, Tunisian leaders have achieved substantial progress in modernizing their society and, more recently, bringing it into the global economy. Partly due to their choice of development strategy, current challenges in Tunisia include fostering the private sector and carrying out the privatization of state-owned enterprises. The government must implement these policies while simultaneously providing adequate social safety nets; tackling the critical issue of unemployment, mainly among the young; reforming the civil service; increasing transparency; and decentralizing decision making. In addition, Tunisian leaders have been forced to rethink politics in order to give a voice to a more educated populace and a growing middle class, while dealing with political dissent inspired by a literalist understanding of Islam similar to that in other parts of the Muslim world.<\/span><\/p>\n
There are a number of signs of success in the economic and social spheres. The country has relatively low rates of poverty, and literacy and education levels that are high for the developing world. Furthermore, social policies stretching back to the early years of independence have been progressive in terms of women\u2019s rights.<\/span><\/p>\n
Unfortunately, political conditions stand in jarring contrast to such achievements. President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who replaced the aged Bourguiba in a bloodless coup in 1987, spearheaded a timid democratic opening in the late 1980s and early 1990s. However, since then the regime has systematically asserted control over all institutions that could constitute a countervailing power\u2014parliament, the judiciary, the press, political parties, universities, professional associations, and other such entities.1<\/a><\/sup> Ben Ali\u2019s legalization of multiple parties and introduction of electoral competition between them in 1989 has settled, for the moment, into a striking example of the institutionalization of the forms of democracy without any of the substance.<\/span><\/p>\n
With democratic institutions providing little legitimacy in recent years, the regime has sought to secure social compliance with its rule through progress in economic development, success in combating Islamic extremists, and a willingness to utilize the state\u2019s coercive and intelligence organizations against any perceived threat. Still, Tunisian society has a number of traits, such as high levels of literacy and urbanization and a large middle class, that typically produce pressure for accountability and public voice and, over time, an unwillingness to accept anything less.2<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
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Accountability and Public Voice \u2013 1.74<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Free and fair electoral laws and elections: 1.25<\/span><\/strong> Effective and accountable government: 3.00<\/span><\/strong> Civic engagement and civic monitoring: 1.33<\/span><\/strong> Media independence and freedom of expression: 1.38<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Despite having the opportunity to vote in regular, nominally competitive elections for the legislature and the presidency, Tunisian citizens do not have sufficient rights to be able to change their government. The ruling party still has a monopoly on public life in the country. It dominates the cabinet, the legislature, and regional and local government. There is no true opportunity for the effective rotation of power among a range of different political parties representing competing interests and policy options.<\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Tunisia held presidential and parliamentary elections on October 24, 2004. Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali retained the presidency with 94.48 percent of the vote, while his party, the RCD, won 87.7 percent of the votes for the Chamber of Deputies. Tunisian law requires that 20 percent of the seats in the chamber be distributed to the legal opposition parties in proportion to their relative success in the national vote; otherwise, the RCD would have swept the parliament. It was instead awarded 152 seats. Of the 37 seats distributed to opposition parties, 14 went to the Movement of Democratic Socialists (MDS), 11 to the Party of People\u2019s Unity (PUP), 7 to the Unionist Democratic Union (UDU), 3 to the Renewal Movement, and 2 to the Social Liberal Party (PSL); the remaining legal party, the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP), did not win a seat.3<\/a><\/sup> The ruling party is committed to ensuring that at least 25 percent of its candidates are women. Overall, 43 percent of the 189 deputies elected in 2004 were women.4<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Some political variation among the legal opposition parties emerged in the elections, partly in reaction to constitutional amendments in 2002 that allowed the president to seek a fourth term in office, and to a 2003 electoral law amendment that imposed a fine of 5,000 dinars ($4,000) for violation of a new ban on using privately owned or foreign television and radio stations to campaign. Four members of the \u201cloyal opposition\u201d\u2014the MDS, UDU, PSL, and PUP\u2014supported the constitutional amendments and took a favorable view of the 2004 legislative and presidential elections. However, a second camp of legally established parties has grown more critical of the president and the RCD. For example, the left-wing PDP called for a boycott of the presidential election. Its leader, Ahmed Nejib Chebbi, claimed that \u201cthe poll would reproduce one-man rule monopolizing all power.\u201d 5<\/a><\/sup> The Renewal Movement, a group of independent figures and small left-wing parties, had launched a democratic initiative, calling on Ben Ali to release political prisoners prior to the elections and fielding its own candidate for the presidency, Mohamed Ali Halouani. However, the PDP and the Renewal Movement performed worse in the 2004 elections than in the 1999 elections.6<\/a><\/sup> The outcome led Suheir Ben Hassan of the Tunisian League of Human Rights to assert that the authorities had rewarded loyal parties and punished insubordinate ones.7<\/a><\/sup> The lone opposition group with substantial public support, the illegal Islamist party Al-Nahda, called for a boycott of the elections.<\/span><\/p>\n
Majoritarian electoral rules continue to facilitate the RCD\u2019s domination of the Chamber of Deputies. While many democracies employ winner-take-all (WTA) rules, WTA legislative elections offer particular advantages to incumbents in countries emerging from single-party rule.8<\/a><\/sup> In Tunisia, WTA elections prevent opposition parties from gradually building up membership in the legislature, since a party can garner a substantial portion of the national vote without winning in a single constituency. In 2006, five opposition parties led by the PDP called on the government to amend the constitution to abolish the de facto one-party system and revise press, political party, and electoral legislation.9<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
In addition to enforcing electoral rules that favored the ruling party, the government denied equal campaigning opportunities for all parties in the Chamber of Deputies elections. The Tunisian League of Human Rights report on the 2004 elections declared that Article 8 of the constitution, which guarantees protection of the media and freedom of expression, was not being observed by state officials. Journalists received instructions to cover opposition activities only upon the request of the government. Opposition campaign advertisements on radio and television were easily outnumbered by RCD ads, and on state television the opposition ads ran when the fewest viewers would be watching.10<\/a><\/sup> During the campaign, 77 percent of the print media coverage and 92 percent of the electronic media coverage focused on the activities of President Ben Ali and the ruling party.11<\/a><\/sup> Campaign financing in Tunisia is carried out according to Law Number 97-48, promulgated on July 21, 1997, and usually consists of state subsidies or loans.<\/span><\/p>\n
It is highly unlikely that legislative tallies in 2004 reflected the will of the people. Ayachi Hamammi, a lawyer for the opposition democratic initiative, declared that the elections were rigged through ballot stuffing, complete media blackouts of candidate activities, media misinformation, and censorship.12<\/a><\/sup> The government also influenced election monitoring by vetting domestic and international members of the National Electoral Observatory. The selected international observers came from countries with their own electoral shortcomings, including members of the League of Arab States, the African Union, and the International Organization of la Francophonie.13<\/a><\/sup> Representatives of more credible international organizations were passed over by the National Electoral Observatory.<\/span><\/p>\n
The RCD won a landslide victory in the 2005 municipal elections, continuing its pattern of employing rural notables and state patronage to deliver the vote of the peasantry, lock them into clientelistic relationships, and alienate them from formal institutions such as the national agricultural union, in which they were central participants during the first decades after independence.14<\/a><\/sup> State privatization and credit policies that have favored rural and urban economic elites in recent years have helped create a new base of support for the authoritarian regime. Partly counterbalancing these trends are programs like 2626, a fund under presidential auspices that is designed to aid poorer areas. For some elite supporters of the regime this amounts to a form of coerced charity, as there is significant state pressure to contribute to the fund.15<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The 2004 presidential elections in Tunisia were equally noncompetitive. According to the constitution and electoral code, only the leaders of parties holding seats in parliament are eligible to run for president. The loyal opposition ran three candidates: Mohamed Bouchia, secretary general of the PUP; Mounir Beji, president of the PSL; and Halouani of the Renewal Movement. As noted, Halouani and his party became more critical of the regime over time, and they paid for it at the ballot box.16<\/a><\/sup> The other two candidates ran symbolic races in which they essentially endorsed Ben Ali\u2019s reelection. The incumbent won 94.48 percent of the vote, while Halouani, who received 0.95 percent, publicly decried the results.17<\/a><\/sup> There are concerns that the 2002 constitutional amendments eliminating the three-term limit for presidents will allow Ben Ali to attain an overwhelming victory in the 2009 election as well.18<\/a><\/sup> Recent studies of political regimes with both democratic and authoritarian traits have established a benchmark of 75 percent of the vote for victorious incumbent presidential candidates as the key indication that the regime may be considered authoritarian rather than democratic.19<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The 2002 constitutional amendment that ended the three-term limit for presidents also created a second parliamentary chamber, the Chamber of Advisors. One third of its members are chosen by an electoral college representing local officials, another third are elected by trade unions and other sociopolitical organizations, and the remaining third are chosen by the president.20<\/a><\/sup> The creation of the second chamber allows the government to mitigate any unfavorable votes in the lower house, a strategy utilized effectively by the regime in Morocco.21<\/a><\/sup> In July 2005 the government conducted elections for the new chamber. The General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT) refused to name candidates for what it viewed as an undemocratic initiative.22<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The Tunisian president has nearly absolute powers. Both houses of parliament operate under the control of the ruling party, which he dominates. The president selects the prime minister and cabinet ministers, and appoints the governors of Tunisia\u2019s 23 provinces. The executive initiates legislation, and the president rules by decree when the legislature is not in session. The president is commander in chief of the armed forces and enjoys judicial immunity while in office.23<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The president\u2019s control of the legislative process is reinforced by the judiciary\u2019s inability to serve as a balancing power. Despite the existence of constitutional and legal guarantees of judicial independence, the executive dominates the judicial domain. The president appoints members of the Constitutional Council and exercises indirect authority over it through powers of assignment, tenure, and transfer.24<\/a><\/sup> The Tunisian civil service, while qualified and efficient, is also subject to presidential control due to its hierarchical, centralized structure and its strong links to the ruling party.25<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Associational life in Tunisia is stifled by various governmental measures. In recent years the government has effectively repressed human rights organizations that had been at the forefront of efforts to increase public accountability. Among other tactics, the authorities used supporters to infiltrate and undermine organizations. Counterterrorism legislation passed on December 10, 2003, has become a tool to restrict the freedom to establish organizations and political parties.26<\/a><\/sup> The law, which aimed to support international efforts against terrorism and money laundering, erodes defendants\u2019 rights and contains a broad definition of terrorism that could be used to prosecute peaceful dissent. During a World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) that took place in Tunisia in 2005, opposition figures held a hunger strike to draw attention to political prisoners. The government clamped down on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) during the run-up to the conference, and members of human rights groups in particular faced arrest, imprisonment, and even physical attacks in the street.27<\/a><\/sup> Domestic donors to civic organizations and public policy institutes remain subject to state pressure.<\/span><\/p>\n
The media is tightly controlled in Tunisia, the internet is monitored, and freedom of political expression is extremely limited even by regional standards.28<\/a><\/sup> According to the Tunisian League of Human Rights, the Association of Women Democrats, and the National Council for Freedom in Tunisia, the public did not have access to fair and balanced media coverage during the 2004 legislative and presidential elections.29<\/a><\/sup> The Tunisian media include a set of private and state-owned newspapers as well as state-sponsored television and radio. Both public and private media outlets produce material favorable to the government in most instances. There are 245 privately owned magazines, but most are owned by figures close to the president. Self-censorship is significant, and repressive measures are taken against any outlets that offer oppositional viewpoints; for example, most online publications, such as Kalimat<\/span><\/em> and Tunizine<\/span><\/em>, are accessible only from abroad. The authorities frequently tell journalists whom to cover and how.<\/span><\/p>\n
The 2003 counterterrorism legislation further restricted freedom of the media and freedom of expression. Tactics used against the press include publishing delays, newspaper seizures at vending points by the Ministry of the Interior, restriction of mail service, and banning of foreign newspapers when unfavorable articles appear. The latter measure has affected publications including Le Monde<\/span><\/em>, Al-Hayat<\/span><\/em>, and Le Canard Enchaine<\/span><\/em>. Independent websites are banned or censored, and journalists run the risk of being jailed, tortured, fired, or exiled. In May 2004, 160 journalists who had been arbitrarily fired created an association to defend the rights of their profession. The Ministry of the Interior declared their action illegal even though union activities are permitted under Tunisian law.<\/span><\/p>\n
In May 2005, the authorities abolished the legal depot, a measure that required all media to be vetted by the Ministry of the Interior before publication. This positive step is tempered, however, by the regime\u2019s ongoing commitment to controlling information flow at every possible level. Separately, in February 2005, Tunisia\u2019s first private satellite television channel was launched, with a second following soon after.<\/span><\/p>\n
Despite the adoption of the Tunis Commitment and the Tunis Agenda for the Information Society at WSIS to ensure freedom of the press and cultural expression, the Tunisian government continues to ignore the provisions or apply its own interpretations. <\/span> <\/strong>A play that indirectly criticized the government\u2019s treatment of human rights organizations, trade unions, and other civic associations was staged in Tunisia in early 2007, but only after numerous delays and editing to satisfy the Ministry of Culture. The play also criticized radicalism and extremist Islamist groups.<\/span><\/p>\n
Recommendations<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n
Elections should be administered by a neutral authority that is insulated from the ruling party, the RCD.<\/span><\/p>\n
The electoral administration should be sufficiently competent and resourceful to take specific precautions against fraud in the voting and vote counting. This could be achieved, in part, by improving the training for members of the electoral administration.<\/span><\/p>\n
The police, military, and courts should treat competing candidates and parties impartially throughout the electoral process.<\/span><\/p>\n
Participating parties should have equal access to the public media. This could largely be attained by the enforcement of current laws.<\/span><\/p>\n
Voting and vote counting at all locations should be independently monitored, the secrecy of the ballot should be protected, and procedures for organizing and counting the votes should be transparent. International observers should not be handpicked by the regime. <\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
Civil Liberties \u2013 3.11<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Protection from state terror, unjustified imprisonment, and torture: 2.43<\/span><\/strong> Gender equity: 4.25<\/span><\/strong> Rights of ethnic, religious, and other distinct groups: 4.00<\/span><\/strong> Freedom of conscience and belief: 2.67<\/span><\/strong> Freedom of association and assembly: 2.20<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
In Tunisia, the state often violates the civil liberties of its citizens. It is not uncommon for opponents of the regime to be harassed and arbitrarily detained. The government frequently justifies crackdowns on peaceful dissent by citing the threat of terrorism and religious extremism. There are widespread and credible reports of the use of torture to obtain incriminating <\/span><\/strong> statements.30<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Since the implementation of the 2003 counterterrorism legislation, violations of civil liberties have increased. Abuses in prison are widespread, and appeals to the authorities from family members of the victims usually go unheeded.31<\/a><\/sup> At the end of 2006, a large number of people were seized by the police, kept in custody without specific charges, and denied family contact and medical attention, all of which are illegal under Tunisian criminal law.32<\/a><\/sup> Even after their release, authorities monitored the dissidents, denied them passports and most jobs, and warned them against speaking out about politics and human rights. Citizens can register complaints about torture and abuses of civil liberties at the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights and the Ministry of the Interior. However, these ministries do not respond effectively to such petitions. <\/span><\/p>\n
In March and November 2006, President Ben Ali pardoned or conditionally released about 1,800 political prisoners. Some were members of Al-Nahda who had been incarcerated after mass trials in 1992, in which they had been accused\u2014dubiously, in many cases\u2014of plotting to topple the government. The number of political prisoners remains above 350. In another positive step toward strengthening civil liberties, the government now permits the International Committee of the Red Cross to inspect prisons.33<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Prison conditions in Tunisia fall short of minimum standards. Prisoners suffer long-term solitary confinement, violence, and sexual and physical abuse by guards and fellow inmates, generally sponsored by the guards. Hygiene is extremely poor, and prisoners rarely have access to showers and washing facilities. Cells are overcrowded, with most prisoners forced to share beds or sleep on the floor. Contagious diseases, particularly scabies, are widespread, and prisoners lack adequate medical care. Additional discriminatory and arbitrary measures worsen the conditions of detention. Several political prisoners and prisoners of conscience have been kept in solitary confinement for more than a decade, and prisoners have faced legal obstructions when they have sought redress in the courts. Human rights defenders, including lawyers who call on the authorities to protect prisoners\u2019 rights, face intimidation and harassment.34<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Tunisia faces a significant terrorist threat, especially along the border with Algeria. The population is under heavy surveillance in these areas. <\/span><\/strong>Security forces attacked Islamist militants at the end of 2006 and the beginning of 2007 south of Tunis, near the Algerian border. The large-scale operation, carried out by police with support from army units, led to the killing of 12 and the arrest of 15 alleged Islamist militants, who were said to be members of the Algeria-based Salafist Group for Call and Combat (GSPC).35<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The state in Tunisia has continued to be a regional leader in ensuring that women enjoy the same civil and political rights as men. The government systematically promotes the participation of women in parliament, leading to a ratio of female lawmakers that is high by global standards.36<\/a><\/sup> For the 2004 legislative elections, President Ben Ali ordered that at least one in four of the ruling party\u2019s candidates be women, and set the same figure as a goal for women in government service. Although Tunisia is at the forefront among Arab countries in providing opportunities for women, patriarchal cultural norms have some lingering effects. <\/span><\/strong>The number of women and girls wearing the hijab<\/span><\/em>, or headscarf, has increased in recent years. The Tunisian authorities have responded by banning the hijab as a form of sectarian dress that acts as a cover for dangerous political extremism. The government does not acknowledge the wearing of the hijab as a religious right, personal choice, or cultural symbol, associating it only with deleterious political motives.37<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Tunisia is a largely <\/span><\/strong> homogeneous Sunni Arab country. Ninety-eight percent of the population is Muslim. The indigenous Berber population has long been Arabized, as has the small nomadic population of the south. Just as women are not permitted to wear the hijab, men may not wear beards. However, the government generally respects freedom of worship, and other signs of Islamic religiosity are allowed. The small number of Christians, Jews, and Baha\u2019i members benefit from government measures that guarantee their religious freedom. Still, bias in the media, especially against Jews, does occur. The international terrorist group al-Qaeda claimed responsibility for an unusual April 2002 attack on the most famous synagogue in Tunisia, the El Ghriba synagogue in Djerba, but the bombing has not been followed by similar incidents, likely due to state vigilance. The government attempts to control the appointments of religious leaders, for instance by paying the salary of the grand rabbi of the Jewish community.38<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The security apparatus actively constrains what it views as signs of Islamist extremism. Most political prisoners are Islamists, and some have been confined for a decade or more without receiving a fair trial. Religious political parties, including Al-Nahda, are banned. Al-Nahda has claimed support for democracy and nonviolence, and has a genuine popular following, making the ban a serious obstacle to truly representative multiparty elections. The battle between violent Islamist extremists and state security forces <\/span> <\/strong>has been utilized as a cover to justify repression of peaceful dissidents of various political stripes.<\/span><\/p>\n
The Tunisian state has taken progressive measures to modify existing laws and practices that constitute discrimination against people with disabilities. The Nobel Prize\u2013winning organization Handicap International has been working in Tunisia since 1992. Services and best practices for disabled people are strong in coastal areas but weaker in the country\u2019s interior. Those living in the interior often lack access to basic health centers and rehabilitation units.39<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
The Tunisian state does not guarantee rights of association and assembly. Sociopolitical organizations are tightly controlled by the government, and <\/span><\/strong>public demonstrations, whether peaceful or not, are rarely allowed. Since 2004, the authorities have banned numerous demonstrations called by opposition parties, human rights organizations, unions, and student groups. The police disperse protesters by force when demonstrations do occur.40<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
In recent years human rights groups and lawyers have been the foremost victims of the state\u2019s violation of association and assembly rights. The Tunisian League of Human Rights has faced systematic repression and subversion, including the replacement of its leadership. According to Human Rights Watch, human rights dissidents \u201care subject to heavy surveillance, arbitrary travel bans, dismissal from work, interruptions in phone service, physical assaults, harassment of relatives, suspicious acts of vandalism and theft, and slander campaigns in the press.\u201d 41<\/a><\/sup> Similar steps have been taken against the lawyers\u2019 syndicate.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
Recommendations<\/span><\/b><\/em><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
The government should cease using antiterrorist laws against peaceful dissidents.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
The state should improve transparency and oversight in the trial and detention system.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
The new laws, institutions, and actions that limit the associational rights and independence of human rights groups and the lawyers\u2019 syndicate should be rescinded. <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
The government should guarantee the right of peaceful Islamists to assemble and participate in politics. <\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
Rule of Law \u2013 2.92<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Independent judiciary: 2.20<\/span><\/strong> Primacy of rule of law in civil and criminal matters: 2.67<\/span><\/strong> Accountability of security forces and military to civilian authorities: 1.75<\/span><\/strong> Protection of property rights: 4.00<\/span><\/strong> Equal treatment under the law: 4.00<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
The Tunisian judiciary is not independent of the executive branch. The president nominates judges and magistrates and heads the Supreme Judicial Council, which oversees judicial matters. Tunisia introduced a Constitutional Council system in 1987 by presidential decree. The council rules on the constitutionality of legislation referred to it by the president, who appoints its members. The president also dominates the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights.<\/span><\/p>\n
The executive branch has recently increased its interference in judicial matters. In 2005, the authorities removed the elected leadership of the Tunisian Association of Magistrates after it called for more judicial independence, installing a progovernment leadership in its place.42<\/a><\/sup> In May 2006, a new law created a state-run academy for the training of lawyers, giving broad authority to the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights to decide who may enter the academy and go on to practice law.43<\/a><\/sup> The legal academy law, along with a strategy of using regime supporters to infiltrate and undermine the lawyers\u2019 syndicate, removed one of the few centers of opposition and independence from the Tunisian political scene.<\/span><\/p>\n
Islamists and political dissidents suffer from discrimination in the administration of justice. Civilians suspected of terrorism are tried in military courts without the right of appeal, and the number of cases of this sort has increased since the implementation of the antiterrorism law in 2003. Aside from the problems created by the new legal training law, lawyers for defendants in political cases face obstacles to effective representation, including denial of access to their clients and relevant government files.44<\/a><\/sup> Prosecutors report to the Ministry of Justice, but the Ministry of the Interior also plays a role and prevents prosecutorial independence.<\/span><\/p>\n
In theory, every defendant is presumed innocent until proven guilty; however, in practice, this is not always the case. Defendants have a right to legal counsel during trial and arraignment, but not during pre-arraignment detention.<\/span><\/p>\n
Once known for its civilian rule, the Tunisian state has become increasingly dominated by the military and security services since President Ben Ali, a general and former director general of national security at the Ministry of the Interior, came to power in 1987. Today, the RCD\u2019s monopoly on power is bolstered by the military, security, intelligence, and national police services. The coercive apparatus of the state actively intimidates dissenters during elections, openly keeping a watchful eye on the proceedings. The security services subject suspected dissidents to heavy surveillance, physical assaults, arbitrary arrests, and glaring violations of their human rights. Military tribunals try cases involving military personnel and civilians accused of crimes affecting national security.45<\/a><\/sup> The state\u2019s definitions of \u201cnational security\u201d and \u201ccrimes\u201d have been quite broad, leading to violations of human rights and complaints by relatives of dissidents and numerous human rights organizations.46<\/a><\/sup> Members of the security forces are not held accountable for the abuses they commit. <\/span><\/p>\n
The government has made extensive progress in the protection of property rights in the last two decades as it has worked to liberalize the economy. All citizens have the right to own property. However, small-scale farmers tend to lose disputes over land ownership. In the 1990s, Tunisia began the final stages of the privatization of state-owned land that had been reclaimed from the French and turned into agricultural cooperatives. The peasants working on these cooperatives were often descendants of the land\u2019s occupants before French colonization, but state privatization policy favored large landowners over these peasants.47<\/a><\/sup> There is also controversy concerning the settlement of property rights and titles for collective land. Political power and corruption played an important role during the privatization of customary land tenure.48<\/a><\/sup> While contracts in Tunisia are enforceable, conflicts have arisen due to the political nature of privatization policies. <\/span><\/p>\n
Recommendations<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n
Urgent steps should be taken to strengthen the power and independence of the judicial branch, especially with respect to politically sensitive cases. <\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
Military courts should no longer be used to try civilians, and the scope of \u201cnational security\u201d in criminal law should be clearly and narrowly defined.<\/span><\/p>\n
Detained suspects should be promptly charged and processed, or cleared and released. The common practice of detaining suspects for long periods without charges should be abolished.<\/span><\/p>\n
The government needs to institute mechanisms to improve justice and transparency in the distribution of remaining collective land.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
Anticorruption and Transparency \u2013 3.08<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Environment to protect against corruption: 3.20<\/span><\/strong> Existence of laws and ethical standards between private and public sectors: 4.00<\/span><\/strong> Enforcement of anticorruption laws: 2.25<\/span><\/strong> Governmental transparency: 2.86<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
As in other countries, economic liberalization in Tunisia has reorganized opportunities for corruption and rent-seeking.49<\/a><\/sup> The process, which accelerated in the 1990s, has been guided by patronage networks that intertwine public office and personal interest, particularly at the upper echelons of the state. State-owned assets have been privatized in an uncompetitive manner, and monopolies have been transferred intact to the private sector without an adequate regulatory framework.50<\/a><\/sup> Furthermore, financial disclosures and asset declarations of public officials are not open to public and media scrutiny. These shortcomings point to a genuine need for effective auditing mechanisms and other controls as Tunisia makes the transition to a market economy.<\/span><\/p>\n
The family of the president\u2019s wife and other well-placed families have been implicated in improper business deals. Having started with few if any economic holdings, the Trabelsi clan\u2014brothers and sisters of the president\u2019s wife Leila\u2014has been accused of improperly accumulating assets since her marriage to the president, including the only private radio station in the country, Radio Mosaique; the country\u2019s most important airline and hotel company, Carthago Airlines; and important stakes in the wholesale, service, and agribusiness sectors. Similar dynamics exist in rural areas, where a rent-seeking elite has taken advantage of the privatization of state land. More productive small- and medium-scale farmers have been denied access to these resources amid the new policy focus on privatization, a market economy, and exports.<\/span><\/p>\n
Tunisia\u2019s score on Transparency International\u2019s Corruption Perceptions Index has worsened over the past two years, dropping from 5 to 4.8 on a 10-point scale, with 10 representing the lowest level of perceived corruption. Countries with a score of 5 or below are deemed to have a serious corruption problem.<\/span><\/p>\n
Indices of economic freedom give Tunisia average grades and show some progress in recent years. The Heritage Foundation\u2019s 2007 Index of Economic Freedom ranked Tunisia above the regional average, at 6 out of 17 countries, as well as 1.8 percentage points higher than in 2006. The index did note complex trade regulations and opaque bureaucratic practices that increase opportunities for corruption, but Tunisia received relatively high marks for freedom from government intervention in the economy. It is also comparatively easy to start, operate, and close a business in Tunisia.51<\/a><\/sup><\/span><\/p>\n
Two public institutions are centrally involved in the enforcement of anticorruption laws. The Cour des Comptes (National Audit Office) is charged with auditing public-sector accounts, while the Disciplinary Financial Court is responsible for punishing violations of financial laws and regulations by public authorities. However, these institutions are likely rendered ineffective by the reality of patronage-based privatization in Tunisia and the involvement of the president\u2019s family and high government officials in much of the malfeasance. People who denounce official corruption risk persecution or imprisonment. In this environment, whistleblowers, anticorruption activists, and investigators do not feel secure about reporting cases of bribery and graft.<\/span><\/p>\n
Historically, corruption has not been pervasive in higher education in Tunisia, but there are growing signs that well-connected officials influence the outcome of exams, appointments, and staff transfers.52<\/a><\/sup> The state continues to make efforts and progress in tax collection, administration, and auditing, in part by gradually enacting legislation that draws on internationally accepted standards.53<\/a><\/sup> The administration and distribution of foreign assistance appears to be devoid of corruption, although the government maintains control of any funding for civil society organizations.<\/span><\/p>\n
According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Tunisia has made substantial progress in some aspects of governmental transparency since the state initiated market reforms in the 1980s. Public access to government information has been improved through the posting of more data on the internet. Since 2002 Tunisia has participated in the IMF\u2019s Special Data Dissemination Standard in order to implement international best practices with respect to economic and financial statistics. Tunisia has also participated in World Bank and IMF programs on financial policy transparency, fiscal transparency, banking supervision, securities regulation, and insurance supervision.54<\/a><\/sup> <\/span><\/strong>This transparency drive has obviously not included the introduction of regulatory structures to prevent privatization that encourages rent-seeking.<\/span><\/p>\n
The executive branch controls the budgetary process in Tunisia, and it keeps areas that it deems politically sensitive out of public view. The budget is not subject to meaningful legislative scrutiny. The state does not ensure transparency, open bidding, or effective competition in the awarding of government contracts; instead, contracts often go to government cronies.<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
Recommendations<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/em><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
A regulatory framework needs to be established to prevent any remaining state assets from being transferred to private monopolies.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Tunisia should continue adopting auditing mechanisms that are consistent with international standards.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
The government should make public financial disclosures and asset declarations of all high level officials. An independent body should be established to enforce compliance and verify submitted information.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Tunisia should strengthen critical institutions such as the central bank, the finance ministry, the legal code, the judicial system, regulatory bodies, and revenue authorities so as to maintain macroeconomic stability, protect property rights, and guarantee contracts.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
Author<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
Stephen J. King is associate professor of government at Georgetown University.<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/strong><\/font><\/span><\/p>\n
Notes<\/font><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n
<\/font> <\/p>\n
^{1<\/span><\/sup> Reporters sans Frontieres (RSF), Silence, On Reprime<\/span><\/em> (Paris: RSF, Rapports Moyen-Orient, 199<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{2<\/span><\/sup> Many have argued that socioeconomic development fosters democracy. For an early formulation see Seymour Martin Lipset, \u201cSome Social Prerequisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy,\u201d American Political Science Review<\/span><\/em> 53 (March 1959).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{3<\/span><\/sup> Aysha Ramadan, \u201cForegone Conclusion,\u201d Al Ahram Weekly<\/span><\/em>, October 28\u2013November 3, 2004.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{4<\/span><\/sup> John P. Entelis, \u201cThe Sad State of Political Reform in Tunisia,\u201d Arab Reform Bulletin<\/span><\/em> 2, no. 10 (November 2004).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{5<\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n}
<\/span><\/font> \u201cQ&A: Tunisia Votes,\u201d BBC News, October 23, 2004. <\/span><\/font> http:\/\/news.bbc.co.uk\/1\/hi\/world\/middle_east\/3754410.stm<\/a>.<\/span><\/font><\/span><\/font><\/span> <\/p>\n
\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n
^{6<\/span><\/sup> Ibid.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{7<\/span><\/sup> Ibid.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{8<\/span><\/sup> Marsha Pripstein Posusney, \u201cMultiparty Elections in the Arab World,\u201d in Authoritarianism in the <\/span><\/em> <\/span> Middle East and North Africa: Regimes and Resistance<\/span><\/em>, ed. Posusney and Michele Penner Angrist (Boulder: Lynne Rienner Press, 2005), 98.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{9<\/span><\/sup> Michelle Dunn, <\/span><\/strong> \u201cTunisia: Crackdown on Activists,\u201d Arab Reform Bulletin<\/span><\/em> 4, no. 3 (April 2006).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{10<\/span><\/sup> Tunisian League of Human Rights, Democratic Association of Tunisian Women, and National Council for Tunisian Liberty, Report on the Presidential and Legislative Elections in Tunisia of October 2004<\/span><\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{11<\/span><\/sup> Ibid.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{12<\/span><\/sup> Ibid.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{13<\/span><\/sup> Ramadan, \u201cForegone Conclusion.\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{14<\/span><\/sup> Stephen J. King, Liberalization Against Democracy: The Local Politics of Economic Reform in <\/span><\/em> <\/span> Tunisia<\/span><\/em> (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003). <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{15<\/span><\/sup> Stephen J. King, \u201cFailed Democratization in Egypt, Tunisia, Algeria, and Syria,\u201d Political Science Quarterly<\/span><\/em> (forthcoming).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{16<\/span><\/sup> Ramadan, \u201cForegone Conclusion.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{17<\/span><\/sup> Entelis, \u201cThe Sad State\u2026\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{18<\/span><\/sup> \u201cBen Ali\u2019s Dictatorship Is Creating More Islamists,\u201d Daily Star<\/span><\/em>, January 26, 2007.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{19<\/span><\/sup> Larry Diamond, \u201cElections Without Democracy: Thinking About Hybrid Regimes,\u201d Journal of Democracy<\/span><\/em> 13, no. 2 (April 2002).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{20<\/span><\/sup> Information obtained from the Tunisian government website, http:\/\/www.tunisiaonline.com\/government\/government1.html.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{21<\/span><\/sup> Mohamed Charfi, Reforming Public Management and Development: The Case of <\/span><\/em><\/span> Tunisia<\/span><\/em>, (Beirut: International Centre for Prison Studies [ICPS]\u2013Lebanon, 2004).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{22<\/span><\/sup> Senate of France, \u201cSenates of the World: Tunisia,\u201d http:\/\/senat.fr\/senatsdumonde\/english\/tunisie.html.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{23<\/span><\/sup> Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, \u201cArab Political Systems: Baseline Information and Reforms\u2014Tunisia,\u201d Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, September 2, 2005, http:\/\/www.carnegieendowment.org\/files\/Tunisia_APS.doc.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{24<\/span><\/sup> Programme on Governance in the Arab World (POGAR), \u201cDemocratic Governance: Judiciary\u2014Tunisia,\u201d United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), <\/span><\/strong>http:\/\/www.undp-pogar.org\/countries\/judiciary.asp?cid=20.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{25<\/span><\/sup> Commission of the European Communities, Country Report <\/span><\/em><\/span> Tunisia, 2004<\/span><\/em> (Brussels: Commission of the European Communities, May 12, 2004), http:\/\/ec.europa.eu\/world\/enp\/pdf\/country\/tunisia_enp_country_report_2004_en.pdf.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{26<\/span><\/sup> Bassam Bounenni, \u201cTunisia: Closing Off Avenues for Dissent,\u201d Arab Reform Bulletin<\/span><\/em> 4, no. 6 (July 2006).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{27<\/span><\/sup> \u201cHunger for Change,\u201d Tunezine<\/span><\/em>, <\/span><\/em>October 11, 2005, www.tunezine.com\/article.php3?idarticle=977. See also Amnesty International (AI), \u201cTunisia: Government Repression \u201cMaking a Mockery\u201d of World Summit on Information Society,\u201d news release, November 16, 2005.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{28<\/span><\/sup> Entelis, \u201cThe Sad State\u2026\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{29<\/span><\/sup> Tunisian League of Human Rights, Report on the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections<\/span><\/em>\u2026; see also RSF, \u201cTunisia: Annual Report 2005,\u201d http:\/\/www.rsf.org\/article.php3?id article=13302.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{30<\/span><\/sup> Human Rights Watch (HRW), World Report 2007<\/span><\/em> (New York: HRW, 2007).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{31<\/span><\/sup> \u201cScandale a Borj Erroumi, l\u2019Abou Ghraib tunisien,\u201d Tunisnews<\/span><\/em>, April 28, 2004, http:\/\/www.tunisnews.net\/scandal.htm. <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{32<\/span><\/sup> AI, \u201cIncommunicado Detention\/Fear of Torture,\u201d news release, January 18, 2007.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{33<\/span><\/sup> HRW, World Report 2007<\/span><\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{34<\/span><\/sup> AI, Report 2006 <\/span><\/em>(New York: AI, 2006)<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{35<\/span><\/sup> Riccardo Fabiani, \u201cTerrorism Risk Remains in North Africa,\u201d World Security Network, February 14, 2007.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{36<\/span><\/sup> Entelis, \u201cThe Sad State\u2026\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{37<\/span><\/sup> \u201cHijab Ban Debate Heats Up in Tunisia,\u201d Islam Online, October 7, 2006, http:\/\/www.islamicawakening.com\/viewnews.php?newsID=8210.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{38<\/span><\/sup> Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies, Civil Society and Democratization in the Arab World, Annual Report 2004<\/span><\/em> (Cairo: Ibn Khaldun Center for Development Studies, July 2005). <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{39<\/span><\/sup> Handicap International, \u201cTunisia,\u201d Handicap International, http:\/\/www.handicap-international.org.uk\/page_212.php, accessed June 22, 2007.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{40<\/span><\/sup> HRW, \u201cTunisia: Protests Ahead of Global Information Summit,\u201d news release, March 16, 2005.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{41<\/span><\/sup> HRW, World Report 2007<\/span><\/em>.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{42<\/span><\/sup> Ibid.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{43<\/span><\/sup> Bounenni, \u201cTunisia: Closing Off Avenues\u2026\u201d <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{44<\/span><\/sup> HRW, \u201cHuman Rights Overview: Tunisia,\u201d HRW, http:\/\/hrw.org\/english\/docs\/2006\/01\/18\/tunisi12232.htm.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{45<\/span><\/sup> Carnegie Endowment, \u201cArab Political Systems\u2026\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{46<\/span><\/sup> HRW, \u201cHuman Rights Overview: Tunisia.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{47<\/span><\/sup> King, Liberalization<\/span><\/em>. <\/span><\/p>\n}
^{48<\/span><\/sup> Ibid.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{49<\/span><\/sup> Steven Heydemann, ed., Networks of Privilege in the <\/span><\/em><\/span> Middle East<\/span><\/em> (New York: Macmillan, 2004), 6.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{50<\/span><\/sup> Hector Schamis, Re-Forming the State: The Politics of Privatization in <\/span><\/em><\/span> Latin America and Europe<\/span><\/em> (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 4.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{51<\/span><\/sup> Heritage Foundation, 2007 Index of Economic Freedom<\/span><\/em> (Washington, D.C.: Heritage Foundation, 2007).<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{52<\/span><\/sup> Neziha Rejiba, \u201cNo Respect for the Rules of Democracy: Ben Ali\u2019s Young Sharks,\u201d Le Monde Diplomatique<\/span><\/em>, March 2006.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{53<\/span><\/sup> International Monetary Fund, \u201cIMF Executive Board Concludes 2006 Article IV Consultation with Tunisia,\u201d news release, June 8, 2006.<\/span><\/p>\n}
^{54<\/span><\/sup><\/p>\n}
<\/span><\/font> POGAR, \u201cDemocratic Governance: Financial Transparency\u2014Tunisia,\u201d UNDP,<\/span><\/font> http:\/\/www.pogar.org\/countries\/finances.asp?cid=20<\/a>.<\/font><\/span> <\/p>\n
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(Source: le rapport annuel de \u00ab\u00a0Freedom House\u00a0\u00bb, le 1^{er<\/sup> ocobre 2007)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n}
Lien:<\/span><\/b> <\/span> http:\/\/www.freedomhouse.org\/modules\/publications\/ccr\/modPrintVersion.cfm?edition=8&ccrpage=37&ccrcountry=172<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n
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On \u00e9crit au journal \u00ab\u00a0Le Temps\u00a0\u00bb<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n
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Statut des ma\u00eetrisards dans les \u00e9coles primaires priv\u00e9es<\/font><\/h2>\n
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Nous avons re\u00e7u de M. Walid Ferchichi cette correspondance o\u00f9 il conteste le sort r\u00e9serv\u00e9 aux ma\u00eetrisards dans les \u00e9coles primaires priv\u00e9es.<\/i><\/p>\n
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L’avenant n\u00b07 \u00e0 la convention d’enseignement priv\u00e9 (JORT n\u00b08 du 27\/1\/2006) a institu\u00e9 le grade de professeur d’enseignement primaire pour les \u00e9coles primaires priv\u00e9es.<\/p>\n
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Toutefois, la r\u00e9mun\u00e9ration pr\u00e9vue pour ce grade destin\u00e9 aux titulaires d’une ma\u00eetrise est inf\u00e9rieure \u00e0 celle des ma\u00eetres d’application ( grade de promotion pour les ma\u00eetres principaux titulaires d’un dipl\u00f4me universitaire bac+2 :J.O.R.T. n\u00b015 du 21\/02\/1997).<\/p>\n
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Par ailleurs, le nombre d’heures \u00e0 effectuer par les professeurs d’enseignement primaire (25h) est sup\u00e9rieur \u00e0 celui effectu\u00e9 par les ma\u00eetres d’application (20h) ; et ce, contrairement \u00e0 la logique qui consiste \u00e0 attribuer les avantages selon la qualification professionnelle de chaque grade dont la hi\u00e9rarchie est tributaire de la nature du dipl\u00f4me obtenu.<\/p>\n
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A titre d’illustration, les ma\u00eetrisards enseignant dans les \u00e9coles primaires publiques, b\u00e9n\u00e9ficient, en vertu du d\u00e9cret n\u00b02000-2379 du 17 Octobre 2000, du grade de professeur d’\u00e9coles primaires. L’article 2 de ce d\u00e9cret stipule que : \u00ab Les professeurs d’\u00e9coles primaires b\u00e9n\u00e9ficient du m\u00eame traitement de base, indemnit\u00e9 kilom\u00e9trique, prime de rendement et prime p\u00e9dagogique allou\u00e9s au grade de professeur de l’enseignement secondaire \u00bb.<\/p>\n
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Compte tenu des orientations visant l’int\u00e9gration et l’encouragement de titulaires de dipl\u00f4mes universitaires, il est propos\u00e9 d’envisager, lors des prochaines n\u00e9gociations sociales, de pr\u00e9voir, pour les ma\u00eetrisards enseignant dans des \u00e9coles primaires priv\u00e9es, une r\u00e9mun\u00e9ration et un nombre d’heures conformes \u00e0 leur grade et correspondant \u00e0 la hi\u00e9rarchie de leur dipl\u00f4me par rapport \u00e0 ceux des autres grades et ce, \u00e0 l’instar de leurs coll\u00e8gues du secteur public.<\/p>\n
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Walid Ferchichi <\/span><\/span> \u00a0– <\/span> Tunis<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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(Source\u00a0: \u00ab\u00a0Le Temps\u00a0\u00bb, (Quotidien \u2013 Tunis), le 4 octobre 2007)<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
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Tests ADN en France<\/strong><\/font><\/h2>\n
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Le Mrap demande la saisine du Conseil constitutionnel<\/font><\/h2>\n
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Reuters, le 4 octobre 2007 \u00a0\u00e0 <\/span> 11<\/span>h28<\/span><\/p>\n
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PARIS, 4 octobre (Reuters) – Le Mrap a d\u00e9nonc\u00e9 jeudi la faute \u00e9thique que constitue \u00e0 ses yeux l’adoption de l’amendement permettant le recours aux tests ADN dans le cadre du regroupement familial et r\u00e9clam\u00e9 la saisine du Conseil Constitutionnel.<\/p>\n
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Le S\u00e9nat a adopt\u00e9 dans la nuit un amendement au projet de loi sur l’immigration remani\u00e9 qui pr\u00e9voit d\u00e9sormais de soumettre les tests g\u00e9n\u00e9tiques \u00e0 l’autorisation d’un magistrat civil, de les limiter \u00e0 la recherche d’une preuve de filiation avec la m\u00e8re et de les rembourser.<\/p>\n
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\u00ab\u00a0Malgr\u00e9 les am\u00e9nagements de derni\u00e8re minute permettant soit disant d’encadrer, il reste que ce vote repr\u00e9sente une r\u00e9gression, une tache qui souille la page de l’histoire des droits et des libert\u00e9s fondamentales\u00a0\u00bb, \u00e9crit le pr\u00e9sident du Mrap, Mouloud Aounit, dans un communiqu\u00e9.<\/p>\n
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\u00ab\u00a0Ce vote reste une faute \u00e9thique, morale. Il repr\u00e9sente une humiliation \u00e0 l’endroit d’hommes, de femmes, d’enfants en qu\u00eate d’une vie digne. Cet amendement est r\u00e9v\u00e9lateur de l’autisme et de l’acharnement obsessionnel de ce gouvernement contre l’immigration\u00a0\u00bb, poursuit-il.<\/p>\n
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Le Mrap \u00ab\u00a0encourage la mobilisation citoyenne\u00a0\u00bb contre ce texte et \u00ab\u00a0attend que tous les moyens soient mis en \u0153uvre, y compris la saisine du Conseil constitutionnel, pour faire barrage \u00e0 ce projet qui structure de mani\u00e8re racisante la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 fran\u00e7aise\u00a0\u00bb. <\/p>\n\n
P\u00e9tition contre les tests ADN<\/font><\/span><\/b><\/span> \u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n
En instaurant des tests ADN pour prouver une filiation dans le cadre d\u2019un regroupement familial, l\u2019amendement Mariani, adopt\u00e9 par l\u2019Assembl\u00e9e Nationale, fait entrer la g\u00e9n\u00e9tique dans l\u2019\u00e8re d\u2019une utilisation non plus simplement m\u00e9dicale et judiciaire mais dor\u00e9navant d\u00e9volue au contr\u00f4le \u00e9tatique.<\/span><\/strong> Cette nouvelle donne pose trois s\u00e9ries de probl\u00e8mes fondamentaux.<\/span><\/strong><\/b> Tout d\u2019abord, des probl\u00e8mes d\u2019ordre \u00e9thique. En effet, l\u2019utilisation de tests ADN pour savoir si un enfant peut venir ou non rejoindre un parent en France pose d\u2019embl\u00e9e cette question : depuis quand la g\u00e9n\u00e9tique va t\u2019elle d\u00e9cider de qui a le droit ou non de s\u2019\u00e9tablir sur un territoire ? Au-del\u00e0, depuis quand une famille devrait-elle se d\u00e9finir en termes g\u00e9n\u00e9tiques ? Sont p\u00e8res ou m\u00e8res les personnes qui apportent amour, soin et \u00e9ducation \u00e0 ceux et celles qu\u2019ils reconnaissent comme \u00e9tant leurs enfants. Ensuite, cet amendement fait voler en \u00e9clats un consensus pr\u00e9cieux dans un champ \u2013 la g\u00e9n\u00e9tique \u2013 qui ne peut \u00eatre durablement dynamique en mati\u00e8re de recherche que sur la base de ce consensus qui \u00e9loignait du domaine du possible des utilisations de la g\u00e9n\u00e9tique potentiellement contraires \u00e0 notre id\u00e9e de la civilisation et de la libert\u00e9. Enfin, cet amendement s\u2019inscrit dans un contexte de suspicion g\u00e9n\u00e9ralis\u00e9e et r\u00e9currente envers les \u00e9trangers qui en vient d\u00e9sormais \u00e0 menacer le vivre ensemble. Car tout le monde s\u2019accorde \u00e0 dire que la fraude au regroupement familial ne peut \u00eatre que marginale au regard des chiffres d\u2019enfants annuellement concern\u00e9s et au regard de l\u2019absence de raison substantielle qu\u2019il y aurait \u00e0 frauder dans ce domaine. En effet, quelle \u00e9trange raison pousserait les immigr\u00e9s \u00e0 faire venir massivement dans notre pays des enfants qu\u2019ils sauraient ne pas \u00eatre les leurs ? Autrement dit, l\u2019amendement instaurant les tests ADN n\u2019a pas pour fonction de lutter contre une fraude hypoth\u00e9tique mais bien de participer \u00e0 cette vision des immigr\u00e9s que nous r\u00e9cusons avec force. Nous sommes donc face \u00e0 un amendement qui, sur les plans \u00e9thique, scientifique et du vivre ensemble introduit des changements profond\u00e9ment n\u00e9gatifs. C\u2019est pourquoi, nous, signataires de cette p\u00e9tition, appelons le Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique et le Gouvernement \u00e0 retirer cette disposition, sous peine de contribuer, en introduisant l\u2019id\u00e9e que l\u2019on pourrait apporter une r\u00e9ponse biologique \u00e0 une question politique, \u00e0 briser durablement les conditions d\u2019un d\u00e9bat d\u00e9mocratique, serein et constructif sur les questions li\u00e9es \u00e0 l\u2019immigration.<\/p>\n
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P<\/strong>remiers signataires :<\/u><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n
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Isabelle Adjani<\/span><\/strong>, actrice Raymond Aubrac<\/span><\/strong>, ancien r\u00e9sistant Fran\u00e7ois Bayrou<\/span><\/strong>, pr\u00e9sident du Modem Laurent Fabius<\/span><\/strong>, ancien Premier ministre Dan Franck<\/span><\/strong>, \u00e9crivain Ren\u00e9 Frydman<\/span><\/strong>, professeur de gyn\u00e9cologie-obst\u00e9trique Fran\u00e7ois Hollande<\/span><\/strong>, premier secr\u00e9taire du PS Axel Kahn<\/span><\/strong>, g\u00e9n\u00e9ticien Bernard-Henri L\u00e9vy<\/span><\/strong>, philosophe Pierre Mauroy<\/span><\/strong>, ancien Premier ministre Jean-Claude Mailly<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n
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Jeanne Moreau,<\/span><\/strong> actrice Patrick Pelloux<\/span><\/strong>, m\u00e9decin urgentiste S\u00e9gol\u00e8ne Royal<\/span><\/strong>, pr\u00e9sidente de R\u00e9gion Jorge Semprun<\/span><\/strong>, \u00e9crivain, homme politique espagnol Dominique Sopo<\/span><\/strong>, pr\u00e9sident de SOS Racisme Francis Spizner<\/span><\/strong>, avocat \u00e0 la cour Bernard Thibault<\/span><\/strong>, secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral de la CGT Lilian Thuram<\/span><\/strong>, footballeur professionnel Philippe Val<\/span><\/strong>, directeur de Charlie Hebdo Dominique de Villepin<\/span><\/strong>, ancien Premier ministre<\/span><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n
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Pour signer la p\u00e9tition en ligne, cliquez sur le lien suivant :\u00a0<\/span> <\/p>\n
http:\/\/www.touchepasamonadn.com<\/span><\/a><\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n
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Retransmis par\u00a0 Mireille BERTHO D\u00e9l\u00e9gu\u00e9e R\u00e9gionale de la Ligue des Droits de l’Homme en Rh\u00f4ne-Alpes LDHrhonealpes@aol.com<\/a><\/p>\n
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Nahr el Bared<\/font><\/h3>\n
<\/strong>On apprend que dix Tunisiens figurent parmi les terroristes de Nahr El Bared au Liban. Ils sont \u00e2g\u00e9s entre 19 et 25 ans. Un seul d\u2019entre eux a \u00e9t\u00e9 arr\u00eat\u00e9, les autres seraient encore en fuite. \u00a0 <\/p>\n
Situation des Droits de l\u2019Homme<\/font><\/h3>\n
<\/strong> Le Conseil des Droits de l\u2019Homme de l\u2019ONU a proc\u00e9d\u00e9 la semaine derni\u00e8re \u00e0 un tirage au sort de l\u2019ordre dans lequel les \u00c9tats seront soumis \u00e0 la nouvelle proc\u00e9dure d\u2019examen p\u00e9riodique universel. A la lumi\u00e8re de ce tirage, le Bahrein, l\u2019Equateur et la Tunisie seront les premiers pays sur un total de seize d\u00e9sign\u00e9s pour \u00eatre soumis \u00e0 un processus de v\u00e9rification du respect des Droits de l\u2019Homme \u00e9tabli par les Nations Unies. La s\u00e9lection en vue de cette \u201cV\u00e9rification universelle p\u00e9riodique\u201d fait partie d\u2019un calendrier pr\u00e9voyant une v\u00e9rification syst\u00e9matique de la situation dans les 192 pays membres avant la fin de 2011. \u00a0 Fadhel Jaziri<\/font><\/strong> Le tournage du film Thalathoun de Fadhel Jaziri a commenc\u00e9 cette semaine. Plus de 200 com\u00e9diens et 500 figurants participent \u00e0 ce grand film. \u00a0 <\/p>\n
Fathia Adala Khancha<\/font><\/h3>\n
<\/strong>\u00a0 La journaliste Fathia Adala Khancha et ancienne directrice du journal t\u00e9l\u00e9vis\u00e9 en langue arabe a \u00e9t\u00e9 nomm\u00e9e \u00e0 l\u2019ATCE. \u00a0 <\/p>\n
Un Tunis-Montr\u00e9al-Toronto \u00e0 partir du 20 mars ?<\/font><\/h3>\n
<\/strong> La compagnie a\u00e9rienne Northern Lights Airlines Ltd a trouv\u00e9 un accord avec les autorit\u00e9s tunisiennes pour une ligne a\u00e9rienne Tunis-Montr\u00e9al-Toronto. La ligne pourrait d\u00e9marrer le 20 mars prochain, selon les informations que nous avons recueillies aupr\u00e8s de sources proches du minist\u00e8re du Transport. Cependant on ne conna\u00eet pas sa p\u00e9riodicit\u00e9 qui ne sera s\u00fbrement pas quotidienne. \u00a0 La compagnie canadienne est n\u00e9e tout r\u00e9cemment. Elle est sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9e dans les vols charter et va louer trois Boeing 767 pour ses diff\u00e9rentes dessertes. \u00a0 (Source : \u00ab R\u00e9alit\u00e9s \u00bb N\u00b0 1135 du 27 septembre 2007)<\/font><\/strong> \u00a0 \u00a0 <\/p>\n
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L\u2019opposition tunisienne : Des conflits et des diff\u00e9rends<\/font><\/h3>\n
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Comme \u00e0 chaque rentr\u00e9e politique, des questions et des interrogations se posent quant \u00e0 la situation des partis de l\u2019opposition. D\u00e9j\u00e0, au d\u00e9but de ce qu\u2019il est convenu d\u2019appeler la p\u00e9riode de vacances politiques, certains observateurs ont \u00e9mis l\u2019espoir que l\u2019\u00e9t\u00e9 serait propice \u00e0 ces partis pour organiser des activit\u00e9s de r\u00e9flexion, d\u2019\u00e9valuation afin de dresser un bilan de leur action pass\u00e9e et de se pr\u00e9parer \u00e0 la rentr\u00e9e apr\u00e8s avoir affirm\u00e9 leurs programmes et clarifi\u00e9 leur discours, quelques-uns parmi les plus optimistes, avaient m\u00eame souhait\u00e9 que les partis de l\u2019opposition profitents des vacances pour entamer des campagnes de \u201crecrutement\u201d \u2014au sens noble du terme\u2014 parmi les jeunes et particuli\u00e8rement les \u00a0 Les mois pass\u00e8rent et \u00e0 part quelques rares r\u00e9unions, s\u00e9minaires et colloques, les partis de l\u2019opposition vaqu\u00e8rent \u00e0 leurs activit\u00e9s habituelles : la gestion du quotidien par la publication de communiqu\u00e9s sur des questions de l\u2019actualit\u00e9 nationale ou arabe et la gestion de leurs diff\u00e9rends . C\u2019est ce dernier point qui m\u00e9rite l\u2019attention. Chacun sait que tous les partis de l\u2019opposition connaissent des probl\u00e8mes de leadership entre leurs membres, de susceptibilit\u00e9s et parfois des divergences sur des questions de fond, mais elles sont si rares et tellement ambig\u00fces qu\u2019elles passent au second plan aux yeux de ceux parmi les Tunisiens qu\u2019int\u00e9resse la situation des partis de l\u2019opposition. Ces propos peuvent ne pas plaire \u00e0 certains dirigeants de l\u2019opposition qui sont prompts, en maintes occasions, \u00e0 se lancer dans des condamnations des m\u00e9dias coupables, selon eux, de \u201cfabriquer\u201d des conflits qui n\u2019existent pas afin de nuire \u00e0 l\u2019opposition. L\u2019essentiel est qu\u2019il est aujourd\u2019hui \u00e9vident que l\u2019opposition tunisienne ne se porte pas bien, non seulement au niveau de son audience et de sa pr\u00e9sence dans la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 et particuli\u00e8rement chez les jeunes, et qui sont tributaires autant de facteurs objectifs que de l\u2019incapacit\u00e9 de ces formations \u00e0 s\u2019affirmer dans le r\u00f4le qui est en principe le leur, mais aussi au niveau interne \u00e0 ces partis, aucun d\u2019entre eux n\u2019a su \u00e9viter les scissions, les exclusions, les condamnations, c\u2019est \u00e0 croire que tout cela est l\u2019expression d\u2019une r\u00e9alit\u00e9 plus profonde que celle de conflits ou de diff\u00e9rends que connaissent la plupart des partis politiques dans le monde et qui sont m\u00eame des signes de bonne sant\u00e9. \u00a0 Les partis de l\u2019opposition ne parviendront pas \u00e0 assurer leur r\u00f4le, tant qu\u2019ils demeureront d\u00e9chir\u00e9s et paralys\u00e9s par ces conflits internes, et cela est grave et pr\u00e9sente de s\u00e9rieux risques, d\u2019abord pour l\u2019opposition qui se trouve ainsi discr\u00e9dit\u00e9e aux yeux de l\u2019opinion publique et incapable d\u2019atteindre une quelconque audience, ensuite pour la d\u00e9mocratie elle-m\u00eame car des partis marginalis\u00e9s par des querelles internes, ne peuvent en aucun cas servir le d\u00e9veloppement de la d\u00e9mocratie dans notre pays et aussi parce que quelle que soit la volont\u00e9 des pouvoirs publics, ils ne peuvent \u00e0 eux seuls faire avancer la cause de la d\u00e9mocratie plurielle car pour cela il faut \u00eatre plusieurs. \u00a0 Le tableau qu\u2019offrent les partis de l\u2019opposition pr\u00e9sente des situations qui n\u2019incitent nullement \u00e0 l\u2019optimisme : le MDS vit toujours une crise latente qui porte les stigmates du pass\u00e9 de ce parti, des luttes et des conflits pour le leadership qui se sont cristallis\u00e9s autour de groupes qui affirment, chacun de son c\u00f4t\u00e9, d\u00e9tenir la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9. Entre temps, le parti n\u2019a pas pu renouveler ses structures ni entamer la pr\u00e9paration s\u00e9rieuve de son prochain congr\u00e8s. L\u2019absence du secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral, pour cause de maladie, avait sembl\u00e9 reporter les \u00e9ch\u00e9ances mais avec son retour, les probl\u00e8mes se posent de nouveau. Au M.U.P. ce sont des diff\u00e9rends ponctu\u00e9s de d\u00e9missions, de d\u00e9clarations, de contestation, de la mani\u00e8re dont le parti est dirig\u00e9 qui pr\u00e9valent et m\u00eame si le secr\u00e9taire g\u00e9n\u00e9ral parvient \u00e0 att\u00e9nuer les effets de cette situation, les probl\u00e8mes ne sont pas pour autant r\u00e9solus. \u00a0 Le P.S.L, dont on avait pens\u00e9 que sa crise \u00e9tait r\u00e9solue avec le d\u00e9part de Mounir B\u00e9ji, conna\u00eet lui aussi des p\u00e9riodes de tension qui s\u2019expriment de fa\u00e7on \u00e9pisodique. Quant au mouvement Ettajdid, qui a tenu son dernier congr\u00e8s qui devait marquer l\u2019\u00e9mergence d\u2019un parti de la gauche d\u00e9mocratique, il a r\u00e9v\u00e9l\u00e9 \u00e0 cette occasion les profondes divergences qui s\u00e9parent les courants qui le composent et qui ont abouti au d\u00e9part de nombreux de ses \u00e9l\u00e9ments et non des moindres. Enfin le P.D.P qui a \u00e9lu au cours de son dernier congr\u00e8s une femme \u00e0 sa t\u00eate, une premi\u00e8re en Tunisie, donne l\u2019image d\u2019un parti de consensus, mais cette apparence ne parvient pas \u00e0 masquer des divergences de fond, notamment en ce qui concerne la position \u00e0 adopter face au pouvoir et aux partis de l\u2019opposition. \u00a0 Pour d\u00e9passer ces probl\u00e8mes qui entament leur action, les partis de l\u2019opposition n\u2019ont d\u2019autre choix que de promouvoir le libre jeu d\u00e9mocratique dans leur organisation et leur gestion et adopter la transparence et le respect du droit \u00e0 la diff\u00e9rence. \u00a0 Ali Ben Samir<\/font><\/strong> \u00a0 (Source : \u00ab R\u00e9alit\u00e9s \u00bb N\u00b0 1135 du 27 septembre 2007)<\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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La le\u00e7on de Bizerte.<\/font> <\/font><\/h3>\n
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Par Ta\u00efeb Zahar<\/strong> <\/font>\u00a0 Rien ne laissait pr\u00e9voir que le match de football entre le Club Athl\u00e9tique Bizertin et le Club Africain allait conna\u00eetre l\u2019issue dramatique qu\u2019il a eue. D\u00e9j\u00e0 au cours de la rencontre on a assist\u00e9 \u00e0 des sc\u00e8nes auxquelles nous nous sommes habitu\u00e9s depuis que l\u2019esprit sportif a d\u00e9sert\u00e9 nos stades dans une indiff\u00e9rence g\u00e9n\u00e9rale, malgr\u00e9 les professions de foi et les d\u00e9claration de principes qui font appel au respect de l\u2019\u00e9thique, du fair-play\u2026 Mais le pire \u00e9tait encore \u00e0 venir puisque d\u00e8s la fin du match des hordes de v\u00e9ritables hooligans se sont livr\u00e9s \u00e0 des actes de vandalisme et de violence que notre pays a rarement connus et qui n\u2019ont \u00e9pargn\u00e9 ni les personnes, ni les voitures, ni les habitations, ni m\u00eame \u2014ce qui est le comble\u2014 une clinique. \u00a0 L\u2019occasion de cette violence, qui n\u2019est pas sans rappeler les \u00e9meutes que connaissent les banlieues fran\u00e7aises de fa\u00e7on devenue \u00e9pisodique, a \u00e9t\u00e9 certes un match de football, mais il n\u2019y a pas que cela. D\u2019abord parce que nous sommes en d\u00e9but de saison et qu\u2019il n\u2019y avait pas d\u2019enjeu qui puisse justifier les passions et les d\u00e9bordements ; ensuite parce que, la saison derni\u00e8re, pour ne pas remonter plus loin, le Club Athl\u00e9tique Bizertin jouait chaque semaine sa place en Ligue 1, mais on n\u2019a pas connu de tels agissements. \u00a0 Les causes sont plus profondes. Enfin des \u00e9v\u00e8nements similaires se sont produits au Bardo il y a quelques jours lors d\u2019un match amical de Handball ! ? \u00a0 Certains avancent, pour att\u00e9nuer les dimensions des \u00e9v\u00e8nements de Bizerte, qu\u2019il s\u2019agit l\u00e0 d\u2019un ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne universel qui touche la jeunesse de la plupart des pays du monde. Cette approche n\u2019est pas convaincante car elle tend \u00e0 diluer le probl\u00e8me en le banalisant, et aussi ce n\u2019est pas parce que la violence, l\u2019anarchie et la d\u00e9linquance semblent se g\u00e9n\u00e9raliser qu\u2019il faut les accepter et se rendre, ainsi et par complaisance, complice de leur d\u00e9veloppement qui pourrait \u00eatre exploit\u00e9 et instrumentalis\u00e9, prendre d\u2019autres significations et avoir des effets tr\u00e8s graves. \u00a0 Ce qui s\u2019est pass\u00e9 \u00e0 Bizerte n\u2019a rien \u00e0 voir avec l\u2019expression, m\u00eame spectaculaire, d\u2019une amertume ou d\u2019un sentiment d\u2019injustice. \u00a0 Les jeunes (et les moins jeunes) qui ont perp\u00e9tr\u00e9 des actes de vandalisme, blessant, incendiant et d\u00e9truisant, ob\u00e9issent \u00e0 plusieurs motivations. La jeunesse est par essence contestation et r\u00e9volte, mais quand celles-ci atteignent un tel degr\u00e9 de violence, c\u2019est qu\u2019elles expriment autre chose de plus profond et de plus grave. Il s\u2019agit de frustrations, de d\u00e9sillusions qui explosent \u00e0 la premi\u00e8re occasion et qu\u2019y a-t-il de plus mobilisateur et de plus \u201cf\u00e9d\u00e9rateur\u201d des ressentiments que le sport et le football en particulier ? \u00a0 Les causes sont diverses. La premi\u00e8re, ou du moins celle qui para\u00eet la plus d\u00e9terminante, est en rapport avec le ch\u00f4mage. Il est \u00e9vident que le meilleur facteur d\u2019int\u00e9gration sociale est le travail. Pour un jeune, qui en plus a fait des \u00e9tudes qu\u2019il croyait \u00eatre le plus s\u00fbr moyen de promotion sociale, se retrouver au ch\u00f4mage est la pire des situations, d\u2019o\u00f9 l\u2019aventure, la d\u00e9ception puis la col\u00e8re qui s\u2019exprime par la violence. Cette violence que nous retrouvons dans notre vie quotidienne, familiale, professionnelle et sociale, et m\u00eame si elle ne rev\u00eat pas toujours un caract\u00e8re spectaculaire, elle n\u2019en est pas moins r\u00e9elle. On la retrouve au niveau du langage, particuli\u00e8rement chez les jeunes, ponctu\u00e9 d\u2019expressions vulgaires qui consacrent d\u2019ailleurs la pauvret\u00e9 du langage de ces jeunes qui se r\u00e9duit \u00e0 quelques expressions qu\u2019ils ne cessent de r\u00e9p\u00e9ter. On la retrouve aussi \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9cole, ce haut lieu en principe du respect et de la d\u00e9cence, o\u00f9 les \u00e9l\u00e8ves n\u2019ont plus d\u2019estime pour leurs professeurs qu\u2019ils arrivent m\u00eame \u00e0 agresser. On la retrouve \u00e9galement dans la rue, sur les lieux de travail, dans les caf\u00e9s et dans les stades. \u00a0 Ce ph\u00e9nom\u00e8ne, qui tend \u00e0 se g\u00e9n\u00e9raliser, a des dimensions psychologiques, les consultations et les enqu\u00eates men\u00e9es \u00e0 ce sujet ont montr\u00e9 un d\u00e9sarroi chez la jeunesse, un manque de confiance et une certaine indiff\u00e9rence \u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9gard de tout ce qui touche \u00e0 la politique, \u00e0 la vie associative, au volontariat, tous ces domaines qui \u00e9taient l\u2019apanage des jeunes o\u00f9 ils pouvaient donner libre cours \u00e0 leur g\u00e9n\u00e9rosit\u00e9 et aux valeurs sans lesquelles la jeunesse ne serait pas la jeunesse. \u00a0 Face \u00e0 cette situation, la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 tunisienne doit r\u00e9agir, et ceci implique la responsabilit\u00e9 de tous. Les pouvoirs publics, qui doivent avant tout parer \u00e0 tout d\u00e9bordement, et en amont adapter les programmes de l\u2019\u00e9ducation, le discours culturel et celui des m\u00e9dias, particuli\u00e8rement la t\u00e9l\u00e9vision et la radio, \u00e0 ces exigences de pr\u00e9venir le corps social de ces risques. Il ne s\u2019agit pas l\u00e0 d\u2019un conformisme conservateur, loin de l\u00e0, car nous pensons que cette action ne peut \u00eatre b\u00e9n\u00e9fique que dans le cadre de l\u2019ouverture, du respect de la personnalit\u00e9 des jeunes, de leur droit \u00e0 l\u2019expression libre, critique et d\u00e9mocratique, tant il est clair que seul le d\u00e9bat peut \u00e9clairer et canaliser les passions les plus fortes. Nous devons donner aux jeunes l\u2019occasion de s\u2019exprimer et d\u2019exposer leurs pr\u00e9occupations et leurs attentes et surtout les \u00e9couter et tenir compte de ce qu\u2019ils ont dit et propos\u00e9. \u00a0 Cette action globale rel\u00e8ve aussi de la responsabilit\u00e9 des parents, des \u00e9ducateurs, et \u00e0 un autre niveau des partis politiques, des associations et de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile. Conjugu\u00e9e aux effets d\u2019une politique de d\u00e9veloppement qui cr\u00e9e des emplois et favorise la promotion sociale, cette action peut aboutir \u00e0 des r\u00e9sultats, car ce qui est dramatique, ce n\u2019est pas qu\u2019une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 ait des probl\u00e8mes mais qu\u2019elle les ignore. (Source : \u00ab R\u00e9alit\u00e9s \u00bb N\u00b0 1135 du 27 septembre 2007)<\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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Qu\u2019est-ce qu\u2019un islamiste mod\u00e9r\u00e9 ?<\/font><\/h3>\n
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Par Foued Zaouche<\/font><\/strong> \u00a0 Il faut se poser cette question car nous entendons souvent ces termes employ\u00e9s par la presse pour d\u00e9finir les partis qui se pr\u00e9sentent aux \u00e9lections sous la banni\u00e8re d\u2019un Islam assagi et tol\u00e9rant comme en Turquie par exemple, ou au Maroc ou en Alg\u00e9rie, des Islamistes qui officiellement se disent pr\u00eats \u00e0 jouer le jeu d\u00e9mocratique pour parvenir au pouvoir, on pourrait dire, dans les r\u00e8gles de l\u2019Art politique. \u00a0 L\u2019islamisme politique se d\u00e9finit comme une id\u00e9ologie se r\u00e9clamant de l\u2019Islam qui a des ambitions sociales et politiques, son effort porte sur la conduite des hommes et pr\u00f4ne la solidarit\u00e9 et la fraternit\u00e9 au sein de la communaut\u00e9, des valeurs \u00e9minemment respectables que chacun peut revendiquer. Mais cette id\u00e9ologie prend sa source essentiellement dans la Chariaa qui, plus qu\u2019un code de conduite, est un ensemble de lois juridiques et sociales extr\u00eamement pr\u00e9cises et contraignantes accompagn\u00e9es par des ch\u00e2timents corporels, comme la lapidation ou l\u2019amputation d\u2019un membre, qui peuvent sembler barbares dans leur application dans certains pays r\u00e9trogrades. \u00a0 La premi\u00e8re question qu\u2019il faut poser \u00e0 ces islamistes mod\u00e9r\u00e9s est celle-ci : sont-ils pour l\u2019application de la Chariaa et de ses ch\u00e2timents corporels ? Pour \u00eatre honn\u00eate, je ne pense pas sinc\u00e8rement qu\u2019un Erdogan ou un G\u00fcll, au pouvoir actuellement en Turquie, pr\u00f4neraient l\u2019application de ch\u00e2timents corporels, cela provoquerait un v\u00e9ritable toll\u00e9 dans cette Europe dont ils ont l\u2019ambition officiellement de faire partie. Par contre, ces deux dirigeants sont certainement pour l\u2019abolition de la la\u00efcit\u00e9 qui pr\u00e9conise la neutralit\u00e9 de l\u2019Etat envers les religions, pour l\u2019instauration d\u2019un r\u00e9gime islamiste et surtout pour l\u2019affirmation d\u2019un dogme, cr\u00e9ateur d\u2019une pens\u00e9e unique, une porte ouverte \u00e0 l\u2019instauration d\u2019un ordre moral et d\u2019une censure rigoureuse. Pourrait-on nier l\u2019existence de Dieu dans ce type de r\u00e9gime sans redouter d\u2019\u00eatre tax\u00e9 d\u2019apostasie et de craindre pour sa propre vie ? Pourrait-on enseigner dans les universit\u00e9s les th\u00e9ories de l\u2019\u00e9volution qui replacent dans leur v\u00e9ritable contexte l\u2019origine de la vie? Aurais-je le droit, en tant qu\u2019individu, d\u2019exister, de me comporter, de penser et de dire ce que je veux dans les limites de la libert\u00e9 de l\u2019autre ? \u00a0 Si l\u2019Islam pr\u00f4n\u00e9 par les islamistes consiste \u00e0 respecter les valeurs de la science et la primaut\u00e9 de celle-ci sur toutes autres consid\u00e9rations, alors que signifie le fait d\u2019\u00eatre islamiste ? \u00a0 Etre musulman est une chose, \u00eatre islamiste en est une autre. J\u2019aimerais comprendre par exemple pourquoi les \u00e9pouses des deux principaux dirigeants turcs sont voil\u00e9es. Que signifie le fait de porter tailleurs et pantalons et de s\u2019affubler d\u2019un foulard ou peut-\u00eatre est-ce cela qui d\u00e9finit l\u2019islamiste mod\u00e9r\u00e9? J\u2019aimerais demander respectueusement \u00e0 ces deux femmes si elles accepteraient de perdre les droits civiques dont elles disposent dans la Turquie la\u00efque pour devenir des mineures sur le plan juridique si par malheur un r\u00e9gime islamiste \u00e9tait mis en place dans ce beau pays. \u00a0 C\u2019est peut-\u00eatre cette confusion entretenue qui m\u2019inspire une solide m\u00e9fiance envers ce qu\u2019on appelle \u00ab islamiste mod\u00e9r\u00e9\u00bb car je pense sinc\u00e8rement qu\u2019on est un islamiste mod\u00e9r\u00e9 dans l\u2019opposition et un islamiste pur et dur au pouvoir. L\u2019islamisme politique a la volont\u00e9 de r\u00e9genter la vie sociale et intime des citoyens et je ne parle pas du statut des femmes rel\u00e9gu\u00e9es dans un \u00e9tat de soumission qui est une v\u00e9ritable insulte \u00e0 l\u2019intelligence. Dans un r\u00e9gime islamiste, l\u2019ensemble des citoyens est cens\u00e9 vivre dans la soumission de la loi divine dont l\u2019interpr\u00e9tation est laiss\u00e9e \u00e0 quelques th\u00e9ologiens qui disposent du vrai pouvoir comme on le constate en Iran ou sous la sinistre tyrannie de ce qu\u2019on a appel\u00e9 les talibans en Afghanistan lorsqu\u2019ils \u00e9taient au pouvoir. Il ne peut y avoir de cohabitation entre le pouvoir temporel et le pouvoir spirituel car le pouvoir ne peut se partager et toutes les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s d\u00e9mocratiques ont fait ce partage et donn\u00e9 \u00e0 chacun son espace d\u2019expression. Au pouvoir temporel, celui de la gestion des hommes et de leur imbroglio, et au spirituel, l\u2019opportunit\u00e9 laiss\u00e9e \u00e0 chaque individu de r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 sa mani\u00e8re aux interrogations existentielles dans une relation libre et ouverte avec sa propre conscience. Mais le pouvoir engendre trop d\u2019app\u00e9tits pour que ce partage se fasse sereinement et il a fallu des luttes parfois sanglantes pour rel\u00e9guer le pouvoir des religieux dans leur seul espace spirituel. Je constate avec d\u00e9sespoir que la lutte \u00e0 mener est loin d\u2019\u00eatre gagn\u00e9e et que l\u2019hydre semble rena\u00eetre, se nourrissant de la peur des hommes et de leur angoisse existentielle. \u00a0 Le Monde arabe est malade de sa surench\u00e8re religieuse, entre islamistes mod\u00e9r\u00e9s et int\u00e9gristes de tous bords, les Arabes s\u2019accrochent \u00e0 leur religion comme \u00e0 une planche de salut sur un oc\u00e9an de tourmentes en en faisant leur seule identit\u00e9 et leur seule r\u00e9f\u00e9rence, oubliant le grand profit \u00e0 entendre et \u00e0 conna\u00eetre les autres peuples. Qu\u2019il \u00e9tait grand le temps o\u00f9 l\u2019Islam recommandait d\u2019aller chercher la connaissance jusqu\u2019en Chine. On ne peut cloisonner sa pens\u00e9e sans dommage car la modernit\u00e9 s\u2019imposera un jour ou l\u2019autre, inexorablement. La sanction du r\u00e9el, celle de la v\u00e9rit\u00e9 scientifique, balaiera tous les dogmes. Prendre le train de la modernit\u00e9, c\u2019est commencer par relativiser ses propres croyances et surtout accepter de vivre avec sa propre ignorance. A tous les excit\u00e9s de tous bords qui se croient investis d\u2019une mission divine, on a envie de recommander plus de modestie et de tol\u00e9rance, le ma\u00eetre mot pour un \u00ab vivre mieux \u00bb ensemble, harmonieux et pacifique. \u00a0 (Source : \u00ab R\u00e9alit\u00e9s \u00bb N\u00b0 1135 du 27 septembre 2007)<\/font><\/strong> \u00a0<\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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Turquie – G\u00fcl s’engage \u00e0 poursuivre les r\u00e9formes malgr\u00e9 l’arm\u00e9e<\/font><\/h3>\n
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Reuters, le 3 octobre 2007 \u00e0 16h04 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 STRASBOURG, 3 octobre (Reuters) – Le nouveau pr\u00e9sident turc, Abdullah G\u00fcl, s’est engag\u00e9 mercredi \u00e0 poursuivre les r\u00e9formes dans la voie d’une int\u00e9gration de son pays en Europe, tout en minimisant les risques de voir l’arm\u00e9e s’y opposer. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0L’engagement de la Turquie vis \u00e0 vis du processus de r\u00e9forme continuera\u00a0\u00bb, a-t-il dit \u00e0 Strasbourg devant l’assembl\u00e9e parlementaire du Conseil de l’Europe dont il fut membre durant neuf ans et \u00e0 laquelle il a r\u00e9serv\u00e9 sa premi\u00e8re intervention \u00e0 l’\u00e9tranger depuis son \u00e9lection le 28 ao\u00fbt. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Abdullah G\u00fcl a \u00e9voqu\u00e9 les progr\u00e8s accomplis par son pays en mati\u00e8re de droits de l’homme, affirmant qu’apr\u00e8s la phase d’adh\u00e9sion aux conventions internationales qui les prot\u00e8gent et celle des r\u00e9formes internes venait le moment de la \u00ab\u00a0mise en pratique effective\u00a0\u00bb. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0Les transformations en cours correspondent aux aspirations du peuple turc\u00a0\u00bb, a-t-il dit en mettant en avant la participation de \u00ab\u00a0pr\u00e8s de 85%\u00a0\u00bb aux \u00e9lections l\u00e9gislatives de juillet dernier. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Il a affich\u00e9 sa confiance dans la neutralit\u00e9 de l’arm\u00e9e qui a mis en garde, \u00e0 plusieurs reprises, le gouvernement de l’AKP, issu de la mouvance islamiste, auquel il appartient, contre toute atteinte au principe de la\u00efcit\u00e9 et la poursuite de certaines r\u00e9formes. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0Les forces arm\u00e9es turques connaissent tr\u00e8s bien leur devoir dans un champ d\u00e9fini par la loi et la constitution\u00a0\u00bb, a-t-il assur\u00e9 lors d’une conf\u00e9rence de presse. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Il a ainsi relativis\u00e9 les r\u00e9serves des militaires sur une r\u00e9forme de l’article 301 du code p\u00e9nal, qui punit tout d\u00e9nigrement de l’identit\u00e9 nationale turque et des institutions de la R\u00e9publique, et dont l’Union europ\u00e9enne comme le Conseil de l’Europe demandent l’abrogation. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0L’article 301 n’a rien \u00e0 voir avec les forces arm\u00e9es. Cela rel\u00e8ve de la comp\u00e9tence du gouvernement\u00a0\u00bb, a-t-il affirm\u00e9 en se disant favorable \u00e0 une r\u00e9forme de la loi. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Abdullah G\u00fcl a r\u00e9affirm\u00e9 la position de son parti en faveur du droit pour les femmes de porter le voile dans la vie publique et notamment \u00e0 l’universit\u00e9 o\u00f9 il est interdit. \u00ab\u00a0C’est \u00e0 la femme de prendre sa d\u00e9cision en fonction de ses choix et de ses convictions\u00a0\u00bb, a dit ce musulman dont la femme elle-m\u00eame porte le foulard. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0La Turquie reste un Etat d\u00e9mocratique et s\u00e9culier. Vous n’avez aucune raison d’\u00eatre inquiet\u00a0\u00bb, a-t-il r\u00e9pliqu\u00e9 \u00e0 un parlementaire lib\u00e9ral. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Interpell\u00e9 par un parlementaire fran\u00e7ais sur le \u00ab\u00a0g\u00e9nocide arm\u00e9nien\u00a0\u00bb de 1915, le pr\u00e9sident turc a par ailleurs rappel\u00e9 la position de la Turquie qui ne voit dans les massacres commis que des \u00ab\u00a0\u00e9v\u00e9nements tragiques\u00a0\u00bb. \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Abdullah G\u00fcl a rappel\u00e9 que la Turquie avait propos\u00e9 la constitution d’une commission mixte, compos\u00e9e d’historiens turcs, arm\u00e9niens et d’autres nationalit\u00e9s pour enqu\u00eater sur le sujet. \u00ab\u00a0Nous accepterons les conclusions de ce comit\u00e9 mixte\u00a0\u00bb, a-t-il dit.<\/font><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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Home – Accueil – \u00a0 TUNISNEWS 8\u00a0\u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0\u00a02691 du 04.10.2007 \u00a0archives : www.tunisnews.net \u00a0Tunisie: Le TMG condamne la tentative des autorit\u00e9s de r\u00e9duire les voix r\u00e9calcitrantes au silence Vers l’Avenir: Sihem Bensedrine t\u00e9moigne \u00ab\u00a0L’islamisme \u00e9merge \u00e0 cause de Ben Ali\u00a0\u00bb Libre Belgique: L’espace de libert\u00e9 se r\u00e9duit encore Libre Belgique : Gr\u00e8ve de la faim […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22040,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[62,38,29],"class_list":["post-16928","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-62","tag-38","tag-fr"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16928","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=16928"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/16928\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/22040"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16928"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=16928"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=16928"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}