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TUNISNEWS<\/font><\/strong><\/span> <\/font><\/font> <\/div>\n 8\u00a0\u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0\u00a02745 du 27.11.2007<\/span><\/font><\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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Ridha Boukadi: Lettre ouverte au ministre de la Justice et des Droits de l\u2019Homme Libert\u00e9 et Equit\u00e9: Dans la s\u00e9rie des proc\u00e8s politiques – Lourdes condamnations aujourd\u2019hui<\/font> Slim Bagga: Lyes Ben Chedli ou la m\u00e9galomanie incarn\u00e9e Terre politique :Tunisie : la dictature au dessus de tout<\/font> The Nation: Beyond the Veil La Presse de Montreal : De la bi\u00e8re, Ghassen?<\/font> AFP: Galileo: les industriels craignent \u00ab\u00a0l’id\u00e9ologie\u00a0\u00bb de la concurrence de l’UE <\/font><\/p>\n
AFP: Les USA pr\u00e9parent le GPS nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration pour contrer le rival Galileo<\/font><\/strong> <\/font> <\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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Libert\u00e9 et Equit\u00e9<\/font><\/strong> URGENCE : sauvez la vie de l\u2019ex prisonnier politique Ahmed Bouazizi 33 rue Mokhtar Atya, 1001, Tunis Tel\/fax : 71 340 860 Email: Libert\u00e9_\u00e9quit\u00e9@yahoo.fr Tunis, le 27 novembre 2007 Nous avons re\u00e7u cette lettre du prisonnier politique Ridha Boukadi et la reproduisons telle que :<\/font> Au nom de Dieu le tout mis\u00e9ricordieux le tr\u00e8s mis\u00e9ricordieux <\/font><\/p>\n
Lettre ouverte au ministre de la Justice et des Droits de l\u2019Homme<\/font><\/h2>\n
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Monsieur le Ministre, J\u2019ai su alors que j\u2019\u00e9tais en prison et malade depuis longtemps ce qui s\u2019est dit lors de votre conf\u00e9rence du 8 novembre 2007 et bien des points m\u2019ont pos\u00e9 des questions : Monsieur le Ministre vous avez assur\u00e9 qu\u2019il n\u2019y avait pas en Tunisie de prisonnier politique et d\u2019appartenance !!! Alors que je suis class\u00e9, moi et mes pairs comme \u00ab cat\u00e9gorie sp\u00e9ciale \u00bb, quelle est donc alors l\u2019origine de cette sp\u00e9cificit\u00e9 et quelle est sa nature ? Et que signifie proc\u00e8s pour appartenance ? D\u2019une part. Par ailleurs, pourquoi les journaux de l\u2019opposition et les revues politiques ne peuvent-ils pas p\u00e9n\u00e9trer en prison ? Troisi\u00e8mement : la question de la torture dont vous avez ni\u00e9 l\u2019existence dans les locaux de la police et les prisons\u2026 Je n\u2019aurai pas la latitude maintenant pour d\u00e9crire tout ce que j\u2019ai d\u00fb subir personnellement en termes de tortures et s\u00e9vices physiques et mentaux pendant ces onze ann\u00e9es et je me contenterai de ceci : J\u2019ai \u00e9t\u00e9 arr\u00eat\u00e9 le 3 ao\u00fbt 1996 et ma famille ne savait pas o\u00f9 j\u2019\u00e9tais. Ils n\u2019ont pas eu de nouvelles de moi jusqu\u2019\u00e0 l\u2019\u00e9t\u00e9 1997. Est-ce la loi cela ? Les ann\u00e9es passent et avec elles les violations dangereuses de la loi, et ce jusqu\u2019en 2006 lorsqu\u2019on m\u2019a priv\u00e9 de la visite de ma m\u00e8re (Dieu la prot\u00e8ge) alors qu\u2019elle \u00e9tait atteinte d\u2019un cancer, mais ce n\u2019est pas tout, on m\u2019a interdit d\u2019assister \u00e0 ses fun\u00e9railles alors que ma famille avait fait toutes les d\u00e9marches n\u00e9cessaires et que le juge d\u2019ex\u00e9cution des peines avait donn\u00e9 son accord\u2026 o\u00f9 est l\u2019humanit\u00e9 ?? O\u00f9 est l\u2019article 18 de la loi n\u00b052 de l\u2019ann\u00e9e 2001 ? Le 20 f\u00e9vrier 2007 j\u2019ai \u00e9t\u00e9 violemment agress\u00e9 alors que je suis gravement malade, apr\u00e8s j\u2019ai pr\u00e9sent\u00e9 une p\u00e9tition \u00e0 l\u2019ancien directeur de la prison civile de Mornaguia qui concernait ma sant\u00e9. Et apr\u00e8s que cette demande ait fait l\u2019objet d\u2019un suivi et qu\u2019un avocat ait \u00e9t\u00e9 charg\u00e9 l\u2019affaire a \u00e9t\u00e9 class\u00e9e dans des conditions obscures; C\u2019est une goutte d\u2019eau dans la mer\u2026 parler d\u2019\u00e9tat de droit et de respect de la loi, alors que la r\u00e9alit\u00e9, c\u2019est la loi pi\u00e9tin\u00e9e ! Nous voudrions bien comprendre !<\/div>\n
Ridha Boukadi (mouvement de la Nahdha)<\/font><\/strong> Prison civile de Mornaguia Novembre 2007 (traduction ni revue ni corrig\u00e9e par l’auteur de la version en arabe, LT) \u00a0<\/font><\/font><\/div>\n
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Libert\u00e9 et Equit\u00e9<\/font><\/strong> URGENCE : sauvez la vie de l\u2019ex prisonnier politique Ahmed Bouazizi 33 rue Mokhtar Atya, 1001, Tunis Tel\/fax : 71 340 860 Email: Libert\u00e9_\u00e9quit\u00e9@yahoo.fr Tunis, le 26 novembre 2007 <\/p>\n
Dans la s\u00e9rie des proc\u00e8s politiques Lourdes condamnations aujourd\u2019hui<\/font><\/h2>\n
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La chambre criminelle du Tribunal de Premi\u00e8re Instance de Tunis, pr\u00e9sid\u00e9e par le juge Mehrez Hammami a prononc\u00e9 aujourd\u2019hui 26\/11\/2007 des condamnations \u00e0 l\u2019emprisonnement allant de six \u00e0 douze ans dans l\u2019affaire 11432 contre les jeunes d\u00e9f\u00e9r\u00e9s en vertu de la loi anti terroriste. Le tribunal a condamn\u00e9 \u00e0 l\u2019emprisonnement : Zyed Fakraoui, Ghaith Mekki, Nizar Hosni, Bilel Marzouki, Ouejdi Marzouki, Azzeddine Laoui, pour une dur\u00e9e de douze ann\u00e9es, Et les autres : Mounir Chra\u00efet, Tahar Bouzidi, Choua\u00efeb Jomni pour une dur\u00e9e de six ann\u00e9es. Libert\u00e9 et \u00c9quit\u00e9 [\u2026] Pour le bureau ex\u00e9cutif de l\u2019organisation Ma\u00eetre Mohammed Nouri<\/font><\/strong> (traduction d\u2019extraits ni revue ni corrig\u00e9e par les auteurs de la version en arabe, LT)<\/font><\/div>\n
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Lyes Ben Chedli ou la m\u00e9galomanie incarn\u00e9e<\/strong><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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par Slim Bagga <\/strong><\/font>\u00a0 Chassez le naturel, il revient au galop. Les lecteurs de Tunisnews doivent s\u00fbrement se souvenir des \u00e9changes entre le petit promoteur, usurpateur d’identit\u00e9 Lyes Ben Chedli et moi m\u00eame apr\u00e8s avoir rendu publics ses mensonges concernant \u00ab\u00a0la grande figure nationale\u00a0\u00bb, Saida Sassi qu’il pr\u00e9sente comme sa tante, et dont personnellement je ne serais pas fier. \u00a0 Outre les \u00e9changes publics, ce mercenaire qui dit avoir d\u00e9barrass\u00e9 la SOTUPRESSE de l’homme de Abdelwaheb Abdallah, qui si\u00e9geait au conseil d’administration, Hosni Jammali, m’avait propos\u00e9 15 000 euros de la famille Sassi pour me taire sur leurs turpitudes. \u00a0 Voil\u00e0 qu’\u00e0 pr\u00e9sent, faisant feu de tout bois, et apprenant la mise en veilleuse de \u00ab\u00a0L’Audace\u00a0\u00bb, il\u00a0 se r\u00e9pand entre Paris et Tunis, pr\u00e9textant qu’il est \u00e0 l’origine de cette disparition. Pauvre Lyes Ben Chedli. Il en faut plus que \u00e7a pour jeter l’opprobre sur les audacieux. \u00a0 Sachant d’o\u00f9 vous venez, je peux comprendre l’obs\u00e9quiosit\u00e9 et la traitrise dans laquelle vous vous \u00eates m\u00fb des ann\u00e9es durant \u00e0 l’ombre de Saida Sassi. Mais ni Ben Ali n’a atteint L’Audace. Ni Sarkozy dont vous vous vantez mensong\u00e8rement d’\u00eatre l’ami n’a mis un terme \u00e0 L’Audace. Mieux, du lieu de ma vill\u00e9giature, je pourrais au nom de L’Audace faire paraitre 4 pages toutes les semaines pour informer ceux qui ne savent pas sur vos activit\u00e9s et celles de votre entourage n\u00e9faste. \u00a0 Et je vous le dis publiquement: Lyes Ben Chedli, \u00e0 peine L’Audace en pause, et le communiqu\u00e9 de Tawfik Mathlouthi et moi m\u00eame publi\u00e9 sur Tunisnews le 7 novembre, qu’il commen\u00e7a \u00e0 se r\u00e9pandre qu’il allait (aussi) mettre Tawfik dans un avion, d\u00e9truire ses int\u00e9r\u00eats en France et aux Emirats et tutti quanti. \u00a0 Qui peut encore croire un m\u00e9galo? \u00a0 En tout cas Tawfik et moi lui disons : vas-y. Offrez-nous un voyage en Tunisie, ou au moins une cellule chez Sarkozy \u00a0 Slim Bagga<\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n
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La nomination de Fathi Houidi annul\u00e9e<\/strong><\/font><\/h2>\n
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La cour internationale d’arbitrage, organe de la chambre internationale de commerce a annonc\u00e9 hier la nullit\u00e9 de la nomination de monsieur Fathi Houidi \u00e0 la t\u00eate de Tunisiana. \u00a0 Orascom Telecom Announces the ICC\u2019s Decision on Tunisiana \u00a0 Cairo, November 26th, 2007: Orascom Telecom Holding S.A.E. (\u201cOTH\u201d) announced today that the International Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce (the \u201cICC\u201d) has issued its decision in the dispute between OTH and National Mobile Telecommunications Company K.S.C. (\u00ab\u00a0Wataniya\u00a0\u00bb) arising out of the shareholders agreement, which governs their relationship in Orascom Telecom Tunisie S.A. (\u00ab\u00a0Tunisiana\u00a0\u00bb), the Tunisian telecoms operator. \u00a0 The arbitration Tribunal has declared that Wataniya was in breach of a material obligation under the Shareholders Agreement in failing to respect OTH’s right to propose a new Chairman of Tunisiana in October 2005. The Tribunal found that the appointment of Mr. Houidi as Chairman of Tunisiana was null and void, and that OTH was correct to assert its right to replace Mr Houidi back in 2005. The Tribunal did not order Wataniya to transfer its shares in Tunisiana as a result of this breach. -END \u00a0 About Orascom Telecom Orascom Telecom is a leading international telecommunications company operating GSM networks in seven high growth markets in the Middle East, Africa and South Asia, having a total population under license of approximately 460 million with an average mobile telephony penetration of approximately 33% as at June 30th 2007. Orascom Telecom operates GSM networks in Algeria (\u00ab\u00a0OTA\u00a0\u00bb), Pakistan (\u00ab\u00a0Mobilink\u00a0\u00bb), Egypt (\u00ab\u00a0Mobinil\u00a0\u00bb), Tunisia (\u00ab\u00a0Tunisiana\u00a0\u00bb), Iraq (\u00ab\u00a0Iraqna\u00a0\u00bb), Bangladesh (\u00ab\u00a0Banglalink\u00a0\u00bb), and Zimbabwe (\u00ab\u00a0Telecel Zimbabwe\u00a0\u00bb). Orascom Telecom had over 61 million subscribers as at June 2007. Orascom Telecom owns 14.2% of Hutchison Telecommunications International Limited, a leading telecommunication services provider operating in seven countries. Orascom Telecom is traded on the Cairo & Alexandria Stock Exchange under the symbol (ORTE.CA, ORAT EY), and on the London Stock Exchange its GDR is traded under the symbol (ORTEq.L, OTLD LI). \u00a0 For further information: \u00a0 Orascom Telecom Holding S.A.E \u00a0 Investor Relations Hatim E. El Gammal Telephone: +202 2461 5121 Fax: +202 2461 5055<\/font> Email: hgammal@otelecom.com <\/font>\u00a0 Public Relations & Communications Sabrine El Hossamy Telephone: +202 2461 5141 Fax: +202 2461 5145 <\/font>Email: shossamy@otelecom.com <\/font>\u00a0 Visit our website: www.orascomtelecom.com<\/font> Telephone: +202 2461 5050 \/ 51 Fax: +202 2461 5055<\/font> \u00a0<\/div>\n
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Tunisie : la dictature au dessus de tout<\/strong><\/font><\/h2>\n<\/div>\n
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Par nicolas<\/strong><\/font> \u00a0 Le r\u00e9gime dictatoriale tunisien de Ben Ali est bien plus admir\u00e9 en France et ailleurs comme un mod\u00e8le de reussite economique que politique. Explications \u00a0 20 ans ! Ca se f\u00eate pour Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, bien evidemment. Avec deux decennies pass\u00e9 au pouvoir, le pr\u00e9sident de la Tunisie semble avoir fait de son pays, une nation moderne. Sont souvent not\u00e9s les indicateurs socio-\u00e9conomiques au vert, la paix sociale, la faiblesse des islamistes, la place des femmes etc. \u00a0 Des atouts qui plaisent La Tunisie a les m\u00e9rites de la Chine sans ses critiques : un miracle \u00e9conomique, mais qui ne cache pas une mis\u00e8re sociale ahurissante En ce qui concerne la d\u00e9mocratie, le bilan est moins \u00e9logieux.\u00a0 Pour sa d\u00e9fense, Ben-Ali argue que la pays est en d\u00e9mocratisation. Beaucoup adh\u00e8rent. Jacques Chirac, dans une visite en 1995, a vant\u00e9 le \u201cmod\u00e8le tunisien\u201d et exhort\u00e9 ceux qui ne partagent pas son enthousiasme \u00e0 de la patience. Douze ann\u00e9es plus tard, le nouveau pr\u00e9sident fran\u00e7ais, Nicolas Sarkozy, est all\u00e9 lui aussi de son \u00e9loge. Accompagnant le pr\u00e9sident, la secr\u00e9taire d\u2019\u00e9tat charg\u00e9e des affaires \u00e9trang\u00e8res et des droits de l\u2019homme, n\u2019a pas daign\u00e9 rencontrer les militants des droits de l\u2019homme de Tunisie. Pour quoi faire ? La Tunisie n\u2019est pas une dictature comme les autres. Si le pr\u00e9sident de la r\u00e9publique est \u00e9lu au la main sur des scores dont aucune anciennes D\u00e9mocratie populaires d\u2019Europe de l\u2019Est aurait rougit, il n\u2019y a pas de syst\u00e8me de parti unique. Des \u00e9lections sont organis\u00e9es \u00e0 tous les niveaux.\u00a0 Ajoutons un Ben Ali, bien loin des dictateurs caricaturaux comme Saddam Hussein, Kim-Jung-Il ou encore Jean-Bedel Bokassa, ce qui l\u2019excuse d\u2019\u00eatre affich\u00e9 partout. Que dire tout de m\u00eame d\u2019un pays qui d\u00e9livre des autorisations pour les partis politique ? N\u2019h\u00e9site pas \u00e0 arr\u00eater des opposants politiques ? \u00c0 censurer la presse ? A restreindre l\u2019usage d\u2019Internet ? C\u2019est le cas de nombreux \u00e9tats dans le monde. Mais pourquoi se tait-on quand la Tunisie est abord\u00e9 ? Car la machine tunisienne est bien huil\u00e9e. \u00a0 Le mythe du rempart du choc des civilisations Pour les raisons \u00e9voqu\u00e9es, la Tunisie est admir\u00e9. Ce pays ressemble \u00e0 beaucoup d\u2019\u00e9gard \u00e0 Singapour : un miracle \u00e9conomique pour un petit pays, et un subtil syst\u00e8me politique autoritaire. La r\u00e9ussite de Singapour a \u00e9t\u00e9 souvent expliqu\u00e9e par les \u201cvaleurs asiatiques\u201d du Confucianisme, de la primaut\u00e9 du la communaut\u00e9 sur l\u2019individu et du respect de la morale, des traditions et des anciens. C\u2019est en tout cas le discours de Lee Kwan Yew, ancien pr\u00e9sident de la cit\u00e9-\u00e9tat et architecte de sa r\u00e9ussite (Samuel Huttington dans son c\u00e9l\u00e8bre ouvrage Le choc des civilisations le cite \u00e0 toutes les pages sur l\u2019Asie sans jamais prendre ses distances) (1). \u00a0 Ben Ali, quant \u00e0 lui, propose aux europ\u00e9ens une synth\u00e8se harmonieuse entre Orient (ou Islam) et Occident (2). Les d\u00e9fenseurs les plus dangereux de la division entre Orient et Occident, ce ne sont pas les plus bellicistes (les islamistes radicaux ou les n\u00e9o-conservateurs), mais ceux qui y pr\u00f4ne la paix. \u00a0 Comme si la transformation du monde musulman vers la modernit\u00e9 passait obligatoirement par la violence si elle n\u2019est pas ma\u00eetris\u00e9e par une force politique suffisamment l\u00e9gitime et autoritaire. Il n\u2019est pas \u00e9tonnant alors que le pr\u00e9sident Nicolas Sarkozy attache tant d\u2019importance \u00e0 \u00ab pr\u00e9venir une confrontation entre l\u2019Islam et l\u2019Occident \u00bb, \u00ab sans doute l\u2019un des plus important d\u00e9fi du monde \u00bb.\u00a0 Pas \u00e9tonnant non plus, le projet cher \u00e0 Nicolas Sarkozy d\u2019une Union m\u00e9diterran\u00e9enne r\u00e9conciliant l\u2019Europe et l\u2019Afrique. \u00a0 (1) Pour un critique des \u00ab valeurs asiatiques \u00bb, voir Bernard Cassen, \u00ab Du bon usage des valeurs asiatiques \u00bb, Le Monde diplomatique, Ao\u00fbt 1995 (2) L\u2019opposition entre Orient et Occident est contestable. Le livre de George Corm Orient-Occident, la fracture imaginaire (La d\u00e9couverte, 2006)\u00a0 questionne ces concepts \u00a0 (Source : \u00ab Terre politique \u00bb, le 25 novembre 2007) <\/font>Lien : http:\/\/www.terrepolitique.com\/2007\/11\/25\/tunisie-la-dictature-au-dessus-de-tout\/<\/font><\/strong><\/div>\n
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Beyond the Veil<\/font><\/h2>\n
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by LAILA LALAMI (*) <\/font>\u00a0 \u00ab\u00a0A kind of aggression.\u00a0\u00bb \u00ab\u00a0A successor to the Berlin Wall.\u00a0\u00bb \u00ab\u00a0A lever in the long power struggle between democratic values and fundamentalism.\u00a0\u00bb \u00ab\u00a0An insult to education.\u00a0\u00bb \u00ab\u00a0A terrorist operation.\u00a0\u00bb These descriptions–by former French President Jacques Chirac; economist Jacques Attali; and philosophers Bernard-Henri L\u00e9vy, Alain Finkielkraut and Andr\u00e9 Glucksmann–do not refer to the next great menace to human civilization but rather to the Muslim woman’s headscarf, which covers the hair and neck, or, as it is known in France, the foulard islamique. \u00a0 In her keenly observed book The Politics of the Veil, historian Joan Wallach Scott examines the particular French obsession with the foulard, which culminated in March 2004 with the adoption of a law that made it illegal for students to display any \u00ab\u00a0conspicuous signs\u00a0\u00bb of religious affiliation. The law further specified that the Muslim headscarf, the Jewish skullcap and large crosses were not to be worn but that \u00ab\u00a0medallions, small crosses, stars of David, hands of Fatima, and small Korans\u00a0\u00bb were permitted. Despite the multireligious contortions, it was very clear, of course, that the law was primarily aimed at Muslim schoolgirls. \u00a0 The decade-long debate in France over the foulard was marked by three specific controversies. The first erupted in October 1989, when Ernest Ch\u00e9ni\u00e8re, the principal of a high school in Creil, north of Paris, expelled three students: Samira Saidani and Leila and Fatima Achaboun. The reason for the expulsion, Ch\u00e9ni\u00e8re claimed, was that he had to enforce la\u00efcit\u00e9, the French notion of secularism, in the school. The national debate that followed took place within the context of the fatwa against Salman Rushdie and the West’s confrontation with Iran, on the one hand, and the celebration of the bicentennial of the French Republic, on the other. \u00a0 At the time that France’s attention was focused on three teenage girls with headscarves, the country had more than 3 million Muslims. French-Algerian novelist Le\u00efla Sebbar, writing in Le Monde, qualified the controversy as \u00ab\u00a0grotesque.\u00a0\u00bb In the end, the Socialist Lionel Jospin, who at that time was minister of education, chose to let the courts decide the case. The Conseil d’\u00c9tat eventually ruled that students could not be refused admission simply for wearing headscarves, but it also gave teachers and principals the power to decide, on a case-by-case basis, whether such signs of religious affiliation were permissible. \u00a0 The second foulard controversy ignited in 1994 with the same Ernest Ch\u00e9ni\u00e8re. He was no longer a high school principal, having capitalized on his earlier fame and won a Parliament seat as a deputy for the center-right party Rassemblement pour la R\u00e9publique, representing the department of Oise. In this new capacity, he sponsored a bill to ban all \u00ab\u00a0ostentatious\u00a0\u00bb signs of religious affiliations in schools. The same arguments were offered up as in 1989, but the political context this time was supplied by the civil war in Algeria. For Ch\u00e9ni\u00e8re and his large and diverse number of supporters, the fight against Islamic fundamentalism in Algeria and elsewhere mandated a strengthening of the secularist state at home. \u00a0 The third and most recent foulard controversy occurred in 2003, when two teenage sisters, Alma and Lila L\u00e9vy, were expelled from their high school in the Paris suburb of Aubervilliers for refusing to take off their headscarves. The L\u00e9vy sisters are the daughters of a lawyer who considers himself \u00ab\u00a0a Jew without God\u00a0\u00bb and a Kabyle teacher who had been baptized a Catholic during the Algerian war. The girls had converted to Islam after their parents’ separation and had donned the scarves as part of that process. In an interview with Le Monde, the girls’ father declared, \u00ab\u00a0I am not in favor of the headscarf, but I defend the right of my children to go to school. In the course of this business I’ve discovered the hysterical madness of certain ayatollahs of secularism who have lost all their common sense.\u00a0\u00bb \u00a0 That year, a commission led by former government minister Bernard Stasi, which had been formed to study the feasibility of a law on religious displays, held interviews with various specialists. It later issued a report that reaffirmed the importance of secularism to the Republic and suggested a law on \u00ab\u00a0conspicuous\u00a0\u00bb religious signs but also made some recommendations to acknowledge the plurality of religions in France. (For example, the commission suggested the recognition of Yom Kippur and Eid-al-Adha as national holidays.) The sole recommendation that Jacques Chirac took from the Stasi commission was the law banning the headscarf. Wallach Scott writes: \u00a0 There was to be no room for the compromises that had been negotiated in years past (scarves on shoulders, \u00ab\u00a0lite\u00a0\u00bb scarves, bandanas); the law was designed to dispel the tensions these compromises had embodied. It became the law of the land in March 2004, and its enforcement began the following October. Without the softening effect of the other recommendations, the headscarf ban became a definitive pronouncement: there would no longer be compromises or mediation–it was either Islam or the republic. \u00a0 In order to understand how a small piece of cloth became a national obsession (compared, by philosophers no less, to terrorism), one must go back quite a few years in French history, to the era that current French President Nicolas Sarkozy recently told his compatriots they must stop repenting for: colonization. Indeed, Wallach Scott argues, it is impossible to understand modern-day attitudes in France toward the foulard without delving into the history of racism in that country, because the headscarf has played a \u00ab\u00a0significant part as a continuing sign of the irreducible difference between Islam and France\u00a0\u00bb and is perceived to express \u00ab\u00a0not only religious incompatibilities but also ethnic\/cultural ones.\u00a0\u00bb \u00a0 When the French government invaded Algeria, in 1830, it started a vast campaign of military \u00ab\u00a0pacification,\u00a0\u00bb which was quickly followed by the imposition of French laws deemed necessary for the civilizing mission to succeed. Women were crucial to that enterprise. In articles, stories and novels of the day, Algerian women were universally depicted as oppressed, and so in order for civilization truly to penetrate Algeria, the argument went, the women had to cast off their veils. General Bugeaud, who was charged with administering the territory in the 1840s, declared, \u00ab\u00a0The Arabs elude us because they conceal their women from our gaze.\u00a0\u00bb Algerian men, meanwhile, were perceived to be sexual predators who could not control their urges unless their womenfolk were draped in veils. Colonization would solve this by bringing the light of European civilization to Arab males, who, after a few generations of French rule, would learn to control their urges. The governor-general of Algeria remarked in 1898 that \u00ab\u00a0the Arab man’s, the native Jew’s and the Arab woman’s physiology, as well as tolerance for pederasty, and typically oriental ways of procreating and relating to one another are so different from the European man’s that it is necessary to take appropriate measures.\u00a0\u00bb As late as 1958, French wives of military officers, desperate to stop support for the FLN, which spearheaded the war of liberation against France, staged a symbolic \u00ab\u00a0unveiling\u00a0\u00bb of Algerian women at a pro-France rally in the capital of Algiers. \u00a0 Decades later, millions of French citizens with ancestral roots in North Africa are being told much the same thing: in order to be French, they must \u00ab\u00a0integrate\u00a0\u00bb by giving up that which makes them different–Islam. The religion, however, is not regarded as a set of beliefs that adherents can adjust to suit the demands of their everyday lives but rather as an innate and unbridgeable attribute. It is easy to see how racism can take hold in such a context. During the foulard controversies, it did not appear to matter that 95 percent of French Muslims do not attend mosque, that more than 80 percent of Muslim women in France do not wear the headscarf or even that the number of schoolgirls in headscarves has never been more than a few hundred. The racist notion of innate differences between French citizens of North African origin and those of European origin defined the debate. For instance, the L\u00e9vy sisters were sometimes referred to in the press as Alma and Lila L\u00e9vy-Omari, thus making their ancestral link to North Africa (on their mother’s side) clearer to the reader. \u00a0 If racism has been the subtext of the foulard controversy in France, Wallach Scott argues, then la\u00efcit\u00e9 was its expression. Those who supported the ban on headscarves argued that la\u00efcit\u00e9 was not simply secularism but a universal notion that was also unique to France. They called it une singularit\u00e9 fran\u00e7aise. Upon closer scrutiny, however, this particular notion seemed to be quite accommodating to Catholics and rather intransigent to others. For instance, the 1905 law that separated church and state allowed students to have Sundays off to attend church and gave them an additional weekday for religious instruction in the church. The French government currently contributes 10 percent of the budgets of private Christian schools. The school calendar observes Catholic holidays only. Still, despite the discrepancies with which la\u00efcit\u00e9 is applied in schools, those who opposed the foulard fervently claimed their attachment to la\u00efcit\u00e9 and its necessity for the survival of the Republic. La\u00efcit\u00e9 was what made France unique. Therefore, to support the freedom of girls to dress as they please could only mean being an apologist for the oppression of women and an enemy of la\u00efcit\u00e9, and to uphold la\u00efcit\u00e9 meant being in favor of a ban on the foulard. \u00a0 At the height of the controversy, everyone seemed to have an opinion about the law. More than sixty public personalities–including actresses Emmanuelle B\u00e9art and Isabelle Adjani, philosopher \u00c9lisabeth Badinter, former government ministers Corinne Lepage and Yvette Roudy, and activist Fadela Amara–appealed to Chirac in the pages of Elle magazine to pass a law banning the foulard. Few voices were heard in defense of both la\u00efcit\u00e9 and Muslim girls’ civil right to attend school. Among these were comic book artist Marjane Satrapi, who wrote in the Guardian that to forbid schoolgirls to wear the veil was as repressive as forcing them to wear it, and philosopher Pierre T\u00e9vanian, who argued that la\u00efcit\u00e9 applied to institutions, not people. \u00a0 In The Politics of the Veil, Wallach Scott does a good job of conveying the hysteria that surrounded the foulard debate in France, although the book could have used some copy-editing. For instance, Ernest Ch\u00e9ni\u00e8re, the high school principal who started the 1989 controversy, gets rebaptized, becoming Eug\u00e8ne Cheni\u00e8re. In addition, Wallach Scott neglects to mention an important postscript to the affaires des foulards: the kidnapping, in August 2004, of French journalists Georges Malbrunot and Christian Chesnot by an obscure Islamist group in Iraq, and the group’s demand that the law be repealed. (French citizens, Muslim and otherwise, rejected the intrusion into their internal affairs.) But Wallach Scott’s broad and exhaustive research makes for a bracing account of the debate. \u00a0 Aside from prevalent racism and a rigid understanding of la\u00efcit\u00e9, a third reason for the focus on the foulard is a narrow conception of individualism. Wallach Scott demonstrates that French Muslim girls, who were primarily affected by the law on the foulard, were \u00ab\u00a0strikingly absent from the debates.\u00a0\u00bb The Stasi commission interviewed just a few girls, and in private sessions only, so that their voices and opinions were never part of the larger public discussion. While acknowledging that some girls may have worn the foulard for reasons other than pressure by fathers or brothers, commentators viewed it simply as a symbol of \u00ab\u00a0the alienation of women.\u00a0\u00bb However much the girls or opponents of the law insisted that the foulard was \u00ab\u00a0an expression of individual conviction,\u00a0\u00bb the state and supporters of the law declared that \u00ab\u00a0this could not logically be the case,\u00a0\u00bb because the headscarf could only mean \u00ab\u00a0an abandonment of individuality and a declaration of one’s primary allegiance to communal standards and obligations.\u00a0\u00bb In order to be truly French, therefore, Muslim girls had to renounce the foulard, since in this view it was a signal that they were neither loyal to France nor individuals capable of free thought. \u00a0 The last, and perhaps most disturbing, reason for the focus on the foulard is its sexual connotation. Commentators often contrasted Islamic tradition, which advocates the headscarf as a means of curbing women’s \u00ab\u00a0dangerous sexuality,\u00a0\u00bb and French culture, which \u00ab\u00a0celebrates sex and sexuality as free of social and political risk.\u00a0\u00bb In reality, both Islamic Sharia and strict French la\u00efcit\u00e9 produced gender systems that essentially deprived women of the right to dispose of their bodies as they wished. Indeed, in Islamic tradition, women are urged to be modest and to steer clear of tabarruj. This Arabic noun has its roots in the verb baraja, which means \u00ab\u00a0to display\u00a0\u00bb or \u00ab\u00a0to show off,\u00a0\u00bb and the noun can be translated as something like \u00ab\u00a0affectation.\u00a0\u00bb In A Season in Mecca, his narrative book about the pilgrimage, Moroccan anthropologist Abdellah Hammoudi uses the term \u00ab\u00a0ostentation\u00a0\u00bb to translate tabarruj, \u00ab\u00a0the invariable term for a bearing that is deemed immodest or conspicuous, a hieratic stance.\u00a0\u00bb Similarly, the French law born out of strict definitions of la\u00efcit\u00e9 warned schoolgirls about displaying \u00ab\u00a0conspicuous\u00a0\u00bb signs of religious affiliation. In short, the battle between the two modes of thinking was played out in women’s bodies. \u00a0 The sexual argument against the foulard was common in France in 2003, although by that point the word \u00ab\u00a0foulard\u00a0\u00bb had all but disappeared from public discourse and was replaced by voile, or veil, which covers the entire face except for the eyes. This was erroneous but not entirely innocent, of course, because it made it possible for commentators to talk in terms of more general stereotypes of Muslim women in places like Yemen, where the veil is prevalent, rather than the reality of suburban Paris, where it is not. More recently, in an interview with a London-based newspaper, Bernard-Henri L\u00e9vy went as far as to say that \u00ab\u00a0the veil is an invitation to rape.\u00a0\u00bb It is perverse to suggest that a woman is inviting rape by the way she dresses, but such is the extreme that L\u00e9vy will go to in order to preserve the idea of a homogeneous female European identity. In this view, a European woman is uncovered, and that signifies both her availability to the male gaze as well as her liberation. \u00a0 It is interesting, too, that L\u00e9vy demands for himself that which he is not willing to give others. In 2004 he hired the designer Andr\u00e9e Putman to renovate his vacation home in Tangier. The home lies next to the famous Caf\u00e9 Hafa, whose regulars once included Paul Bowles, Tennessee Williams and Jean Genet, and which has unparalleled views of the Mediterranean. Patrons of the cafe can no longer enjoy an unobstructed view, however, because during the renovations L\u00e9vy constructed a wall around his terrace, where his wife, the actress and singer Arielle Dombasle, likes to sunbathe. L\u00e9vy reportedly wanted to protect her from the eyes of the men at the Caf\u00e9 Hafa. Unveiling only goes one way, it seems. \u00a0 There is in France today a pervading hypocrisy that invokes freedom of expression when cartoonists from Charlie Hebdo or France Soir offend Muslim sensibilities but remains stubbornly quiet when a Muslim woman’s right to dispose of her body as she wishes is denied. This is the same hypocrisy that calls soccer star Zinedine Zidane a French citizen without any qualifications but refers to Zacarias Moussaoui as a French citizen of Moroccan origin. It is the same hypocrisy that organizes support committees for teachers in Flers who refuse to teach girls wearing the foulard but does not appear to care that 40 percent of French youths living in the largely impoverished and North African banlieues are unemployed. It is the same hypocrisy that celebrates the work of North African soldiers in the fight against the Nazis in World War II but until last year refused them the same army pensions as their French counterparts. It is the same hypocrisy that condemns humorist Dieudonn\u00e9 for his abhorrently racist remarks on Jews but condones former Le Point editor Claude Imbert when he says, \u00ab\u00a0I am something of an Islamophobe and I’m not embarrassed to say so.\u00a0\u00bb \u00a0 It is the same hypocrisy, finally, that expends boundless intellectual energy and enormous state resources on a small number of schoolgirls in headscarves but does next to nothing to ensure that these schoolgirls–most of whom are stuck in low-performing high schools designated as ZEPs (or zones d’\u00e9ducation prioritaires)–gain access to the same educational and employment opportunities as their white compatriots. In the end, the successive controversies in France have served as fantastic distractions from real problems and have provided comfort and support to Islamic fundamentalists, who recruit Muslim youngsters by telling them that France does not want them. The foulard in France, therefore, is nothing more than a fig leaf; however long one stares at it, the eye will eventually have to face the nakedness of racism and discrimination. \u00a0 To paraphrase another French philosopher: I do not approve of the headscarf, but I will defend to the death the right of women to wear it. \u00a0 \u00a0 Laila Lalami, the author of Hope and Other Dangerous Pursuits, is an assistant professor of creative writing at the University of California, Riverside. \u00a0 (Source: \u201cThe Nation\u201d,\u00a0 (Mensuel , New York \u2013 USA), 10 d\u00e9cembre 2007)<\/strong><\/font> Lien: http:\/\/www.thenation.com\/doc\/20071210\/lalami<\/a><\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n
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De la bi\u00e8re, Ghassen?<\/font><\/h2>\n
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Patrick Lagac\u00e9<\/strong> Ghassen n’a pas 30 ans, il a quitt\u00e9 son pays du Maghreb, un peu pour l’UQAM, bien plus par opposition \u00e0 la dictature soft qui y s\u00e9vit. C’est pour \u00e7a qu’il m’a demand\u00e9 de ne pas donner son nom de famille. Para\u00eet que le r\u00e9gime est chatouilleux. La serveuse nous a demand\u00e9 ce qu’on voulait. Caf\u00e9 pour moi. Ghassen a command\u00e9 une Bud. – De la bi\u00e8re, Ghassen? – Oui, de la bi\u00e8re. Je ne crois plus, alors… Alors, il peut boire de l’alcool sans avoir peur de perdre ses 25 vierges, quand il va arriver au paradis (c’est bien 25, non?). Bon, Ghassen ne croit plus. Il a fait sa R\u00e9volution tranquille intime. Sauf qu’il a une t\u00eate, comment dire, avec ce teint fonc\u00e9, ces yeux noirs, cette barbe rebelle. Ghassen m’a interrompu: \u00abUne t\u00eate d’Arabe, tu veux dire?\u00bb Je n’ai pas os\u00e9 dire: Non, une t\u00eate de terroriste! Si je caricature, Ghassen a cette t\u00eate propre aux gars dont on publie la photo apr\u00e8s un attentat suicide dans un autobus. Il correspond \u00e0 cette caricature de musulman qui r\u00f4de dans nos t\u00eates. Bref, si un musulman se fait \u00e9coeurer en pleine rue, \u00e7a risque d’\u00eatre lui. – \u00c7a te pose des probl\u00e8mes, cette t\u00eate d’Arabe? – Aucun. Je n’ai jamais v\u00e9cu de manifestations racistes. Il y a une belle ambiance, ici, \u00e0 Montr\u00e9al. J’aimerais bien y \u00e9lever mes enfants… Remarquez que \u00e7a risque d’arriver: il est en concubinage avec une Qu\u00e9b\u00e9coise. \u00abC’est plus facile pour moi, de m’int\u00e9grer. Elle m’attendait \u00e0 mon arriv\u00e9e.\u00bb Un jour, Ghassen a d\u00e9cid\u00e9 qu’il ne croyait plus. Fini, Allah. Fini le Coran. Ghasser est donc un improbable ap\u00f4tre du droit des musulmanes \u00e0 porter le hijab. \u00abAh, tu ne crois pas \u00e0 \u00e7a, toi aussi?! C’est tellement simpliste! \u00c9coute, les femmes voil\u00e9es ne sont pas soumises. Il y en a, oui. Il y en a qui sont forc\u00e9es de le porter, par peur du p\u00e8re, de la religion. Mais c’est une minorit\u00e9, que je condamne.\u00bb Dehors, rue Jean-Talon, on pouvait voir des ados d\u00e9ambuler sur le trottoir. Dont quelques voil\u00e9es, en manteau d’hiver, sac au dos. Elles revenaient de l’\u00e9cole. Ghassen m’a r\u00e9p\u00e9t\u00e9 ce que tant d’autres m’ont jur\u00e9, dans les rencontres qui ont men\u00e9 \u00e0 cette s\u00e9rie: l’immense majorit\u00e9 des filles voil\u00e9es, ici, ont choisi le hijab. \u00c7a peut para\u00eetre d\u00e9bile, pour des Qu\u00e9b\u00e9coises qui ont jadis br\u00fbl\u00e9 leurs soutiens-gorge, mais c’est \u00e7a… \u00abPrends ma m\u00e8re: elle porte le voile. Elle l’a choisi. Et c’est elle qui dirige, \u00e0 la maison. C’est pas mon p\u00e8re!\u00bb La Bud de Ghassen est \u00e0 moiti\u00e9 vide. Au fond du bar, un type fait l’amour \u00e0 une machine de vid\u00e9opoker. RDS diffuse les faits saillants du match du CH de la veille, sans le son. La waitress lave le bar avec un chiffon, on voit l’or\u00e9e de ses fesses quand elle se penche. \u00abEn tant que la\u00efc, j’incite les filles \u00e0 ne pas porter le voile. Car l’habit ne fait pas le moine. Je leur dis que le voile ne les rend pas plus ob\u00e9issante face \u00e0 Dieu…\u00bb C’est vrai, convient Ghassen, que l’islam n’a pas fait d’examen de conscience, contrairement au christianisme. Oui, l’islam regroupe des extr\u00e9mistes, dans certains pays. Non, il n’excuse pas. Il explique: l’islam est dans des pays sous-d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s. \u00abLes jeunes se retranchent sur l’aspect le moins progressiste de leur culture musulmane: l’islam\u00bb. Sur ce, Ghassen doit me quitter. Une r\u00e9union \u00e0 l’UQAM. Il veut fonder une association. Il y a bien une association d’\u00e9tudiants musulmans, oui. \u00abMais j’essaie de cr\u00e9er une association d’\u00e9tudiants de culture arabe. Je n’aime pas les associations qui s’identifient par leur religion.\u00bb La bouteille de Ghassen est vide. Il r\u00e9alise que pour un ath\u00e9e, pour un apostat, il a beaucoup d\u00e9fendu l’islam, avec le journaliste… – On sort un gars de l’islam, mais on ne sort pas l’islam du gars, hein, Ghassen? – Comment? me demande-t-il, confus. – Une expression du terroir, pure laine, disons… – Ah bon, fait-il en me regardant comme si j’\u00e9tais une grenouille. Nadia aime le tango (et Bon Jovi)<\/strong> Nadia est n\u00e9e au Qu\u00e9bec, a grandi en Tunisie et m’a donn\u00e9 rendez-vous dans un resto japonais de C\u00f4te-des-Neiges. \u00abAs-tu d\u00e9j\u00e0 mang\u00e9 de la cr\u00e8me glac\u00e9e frite!?\u00bb J’en avais d\u00e9j\u00e0 mang\u00e9, oui. Mais jamais de la si bonne . – Je ne me suis jamais sentie \u00e0 part, ici, dit Nadia. J’ai habit\u00e9 dans l’est de Montr\u00e9al, j’ai travaill\u00e9 une pizzeria. Mes voisins qu\u00e9b\u00e9cois \u00e9taient mes amis… – Aucun probl\u00e8me \u00e0 \u00eatre musulmane, ici? – Non, dit-elle. \u00c0 regarder les m\u00e9dias, on dirait que oui. Mais non. Je prie cinq fois par jour. Je fais le ramadan. – \u00c0 la mosqu\u00e9e cinq fois par jour? – Mais non, je n’ai pas besoin d’\u00eatre \u00e0 la mosqu\u00e9e pour prier. Je prie chez moi. Nadia aimerait bien, un jour, faire un p\u00e8lerinage \u00e0 La Mecque, prescrit par l’islam. \u00abSi j’arrive \u00e0 payer mes pr\u00eats et bourses!\u00bb D’ici l\u00e0, elle travaille le jour dans une grande compagnie de t\u00e9l\u00e9communications, danse le tango et la salsa le soir. Le dimanche? Elle fait comme vous, elle regarde Tout le monde en parle. – Pratiquante comme tu es, et tu portes pas le hijab? – C’est un choix personnel. Mais je ne dis pas non. Un jour, peut-\u00eatre. Bon, avec les m\u00e9dias, on peut croire que si tu ne portes pas le voile, tu ne crois pas en Dieu. Sa cr\u00e8me glac\u00e9e finie, Nadia commence \u00e0 me parler de Bon Jovi. Elle \u00e9tait au Centre Bell, l’autre soir, quand les rockeurs du New Jersey sont pass\u00e9s en ville. – C’\u00e9tait bon? – Pas pire. Mais ne l’\u00e9cris pas, mon ami italien va \u00eatre d\u00e9\u00e7u, celui avec qui je suis all\u00e9… – Tango, Tout le monde en parle, Bon Jovi: t’es comme \u00abnous\u00bb, dans le fond. – Et je vais \u00e0 la cabane \u00e0 sucre tous les printemps! – Mais y a du porc dans les bines, \u00e0 la cabane \u00e0 sucre, Nadia! – C’est vrai? J’en ai peut-\u00eatre mang\u00e9 sans le savoir. C’est pas grave. Tu sais, je pourrais m\u00eame aller voir Bon Jovi et porter le hijab.<\/div>\n
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(Source: La Presse de Montreal le 27 novembre 2007)<\/font><\/strong> http:\/\/www.cyberpresse.ca\/article\/20071127\/CPOPINIONS05\/711270627\/6928\/CPOPINIONS05<\/a><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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<\/font>Galileo: les industriels craignent \u00ab\u00a0l’id\u00e9ologie\u00a0\u00bb de la concurrence de l’UE<\/strong><\/font><\/h3>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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AFP, le 27 novembre 2007 \u00e0 08h49<\/font> Par Dominique BEAUJOUIN<\/strong><\/font> \u00a0 PARIS, 27 nov 2007 (AFP) – Les grands industriels de l’espace expriment leurs craintes que \u00ab\u00a0l’id\u00e9ologie\u00a0\u00bb de la concurrence de la Commission europ\u00e9enne ne condamne le syst\u00e8me de navigation par satellites Galileo si les appels d’offre aboutissent \u00e0 remettre en cause le partage du travail d\u00e9j\u00e0 pr\u00e9vu. Les 27 viennent de s’accorder pour affecter 2,4 milliards d’euros de plus sur le budget europ\u00e9en au financement du programme (environ 4,4 milliards d’euros au total). Mais les ministres des Transports doivent encore trouver jeudi un montage industriel efficace pour que la constellation de 30 satellites rivale du GPS am\u00e9ricain soit op\u00e9rationnelle en 2012, tout en apportant des retomb\u00e9es industrielles \u00e0 tous les partenaires. Le commissaire aux Transports, Jacques Barrot, sugg\u00e8re de diviser le programme en six segments attribuables sur appels d’offre, assortis de r\u00e8gles de non cumul et d’obligations de sous-traitance. Du c\u00f4t\u00e9 des deux principaux industriels, l’europ\u00e9en Astrium (groupe EADS) et le franco-italien Thales Alenia Space, des sources internes mettent en garde contre \u00ab\u00a0l’id\u00e9ologie de la concurrence pure et parfaite\u00a0\u00bb. Souvent pr\u00e9sent\u00e9s comme oppos\u00e9s, Astrium repr\u00e9sentant les \u00ab\u00a0int\u00e9r\u00eats allemands\u00a0\u00bb et Thales \u00ab\u00a0les Fran\u00e7ais\u00a0\u00bb, les deux groupes rappellent en choeur qu’ils \u00ab\u00a0repr\u00e9sentent 90% de l’industrie spatiale europ\u00e9enne\u00a0\u00bb et sont d\u00e9j\u00e0 associ\u00e9s dans la premi\u00e8re phase du programme. L’IOV (in orbit validation) a permis de lancer un premier satellite, et doit s’achever d’ici \u00e0 2011 avec le 4e satellite permettant la validation du syst\u00e8me, pour plus d’1 milliard d’euros. Astrium est ma\u00eetre d’oeuvre de la fabrication des satellites dans ses usines allemandes, et en sous-traite 40% \u00e0 Thales, tandis que le groupe fran\u00e7ais est ma\u00eetre d’oeuvre du segment-sol et en sous-traite 40% \u00e0 Astrium. \u00ab\u00a0Cela n’a pas emp\u00each\u00e9 de signer 500 contrats industriels dans 18 pays, dont pr\u00e8s de 200 en dehors des cinq leaders (Allemagne, France, Italie, Royaume-Uni et Espagne)\u00a0\u00bb, indique une source industrielle. \u00ab\u00a0Prolonger cette organisation pour la suite du programme (3,4 milliards d’euros de budgets europ\u00e9ens pour 26 satellites suppl\u00e9mentaires et les centres au sol) serait la seule solution\u00a0\u00bb ajoute-t-on. En revanche, les deux g\u00e9ants, interrog\u00e9s sur une prochaine mise en concurrence r\u00e9pondent: \u00ab\u00a0comment finir efficacement la premi\u00e8re phase ensemble quand on sait qu’on va s’entretuer pour la seconde ?\u00a0\u00bb Le pr\u00e9sident d’Astrium, Fran\u00e7ois Auque, mettait r\u00e9cemment en garde contre la r\u00e9ouverture de la \u00ab\u00a0bo\u00eete de Pandore\u00a0\u00bb. Il avait fallu des mois de discussions en 2005 dans le cadre du partenariat public-priv\u00e9 qui a capot\u00e9 cette ann\u00e9e pour trouver un compromis sur l’implantation des principales structures, avec notamment un centre de contr\u00f4le en Italie, un autre en Allemagne, le si\u00e8ge social \u00e9tant \u00e0 Toulouse. Les grands industriels s’attendent maintenant \u00e0 un appel d’offres \u00ab\u00a0biais\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb, qui d\u00e9boucherait sur le \u00ab\u00a0r\u00e9sultat convenable\u00a0\u00bb, les satellites pour Astrium, les segments sols pour Thales Alenia, pour \u00ab\u00a0concilier concurrence et bonne pratique industrielle\u00a0\u00bb. Mais \u00e0 la veille du conseil des ministres europ\u00e9ens des Transports, plusieurs incertitudes demeurent sur les contours des appels d’offres, et l’Espagne est d\u00e9j\u00e0 mont\u00e9e au cr\u00e9neau ce week-end pour d\u00e9noncer des manquements aux r\u00e8gles de concurrence. \u00a0 AFP <\/strong><\/font><\/div>\n\n<\/div>\n
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AFP, le 27 novembre 2007 \u00e0 08h52 <\/font>Les USA pr\u00e9parent le GPS nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration pour contrer le rival Galileo<\/strong><\/font><\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n
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Par Daphn\u00e9 BENOIT<\/strong><\/font> \u00a0 WASHINGTON, 27 nov 2007 (AFP) – Les Etats-Unis, inventeurs du syst\u00e8me de navigation par satellite GPS, se pr\u00e9parent \u00e0 r\u00e9torquer au projet rival europ\u00e9en Galileo avec une nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration de GPS aux capacit\u00e9s d\u00e9cupl\u00e9es, qui \u00e9galerait les avanc\u00e9es technologiques promises par le nouveau concurrent. La mise en service op\u00e9rationnelle de Galileo, annonc\u00e9e pour fin 2012, devrait ainsi \u00eatre talonn\u00e9e par le lancement des premiers satellites GPS III, la plus importante \u00e9volution du syst\u00e8me am\u00e9ricain depuis son lancement dans les ann\u00e9es 1990. Compar\u00e9 \u00e0 l’actuel GPS (Global Positioning System), \u00ab\u00a0les satellites GPS III offriront une meilleure navigation aux usagers civils et militaires gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 plus de pr\u00e9cision et plus de r\u00e9sistance aux tentatives de brouillage hostile\u00a0\u00bb par des pays ennemis, explique le colonel David Madden, responsable de la branche GPS de l’arm\u00e9e de l’Air am\u00e9ricaine, dans une r\u00e9cente interview. Le r\u00e9seau sera progressivement mis en place en trois temps, avec un premier lancement de satellites \u00ab\u00a0pr\u00e9vu fin 2013\u00a0\u00bb, et devrait \u00e0 terme \u00eatre compos\u00e9 d’une constellation de 32 satellites, selon le colonel Madden. Les Etats-Unis comptent ainsi maintenir l’h\u00e9g\u00e9monie de leur syst\u00e8me, devenu une infrastructure indispensable autant sur le plan \u00e9conomique mondial que d’un point de vue militaire. N\u00e9 en 1986, le GPS, ou Navstar (Navigation Satellite for Time and Ranging), con\u00e7u par le Pentagone, permet de trouver avec pr\u00e9cision une position sur n’importe quel point du globe. Soutien crucial du commandement militaire am\u00e9ricain, ce syst\u00e8me est livr\u00e9 gratuitement par l’arm\u00e9e aux fournisseurs du service GPS qui le mettent \u00e0 la disposition des organismes civils int\u00e9ress\u00e9s (transporteurs routiers, maritimes ou ferroviaires). Les Etats-Unis ont d\u00e9j\u00e0 proc\u00e9d\u00e9 \u00e0 une premi\u00e8re modernisation de leur syst\u00e8me, avec l’envoi depuis fin 2006 de satellites de nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration, dot\u00e9s d’une meilleure qualit\u00e9 de signal, d’une deuxi\u00e8me fr\u00e9quence d\u00e9di\u00e9e aux usagers civils et d’une pr\u00e9cision de localisation de l’ordre de \u00ab\u00a0quelques m\u00e8tres\u00a0\u00bb, selon l’un des fabricants, le groupe am\u00e9ricain Lockheed Martin. Mais le GPS III promet de nouvelles avanc\u00e9es, avec un pouvoir de transmission 500 fois sup\u00e9rieur \u00e0 celui du syst\u00e8me actuel, permettant de renforcer consid\u00e9rablement sa r\u00e9sistance au brouillage, et une pr\u00e9cision d’un m\u00e8tre, comme le syst\u00e8me Galileo, selon le site internet sp\u00e9cialis\u00e9 dans la d\u00e9fense, Globalsecurity.org. Autre am\u00e9lioration: \u00e0 l’origine, les donn\u00e9es transmises par les militaires du Pentagone aux organismes civils \u00e9taient volontairement alt\u00e9r\u00e9es, affectant leur pr\u00e9cision. Mais la Maison Blanche, qui avait d\u00e9j\u00e0 suspendu l’utilisation de cette fonction en 2000, a annonc\u00e9 en septembre que le nouveau syst\u00e8me n’inclurait pas de telle \u00ab\u00a0capacit\u00e9 de d\u00e9gradation\u00a0\u00bb. Alors que les Europ\u00e9ens viennent \u00e0 peine d’esquisser une solution \u00e0 la question du financement de Galileo, qui vise \u00e0 les rendre ind\u00e9pendants du syst\u00e8me am\u00e9ricain GPS, les Etats-Unis font avancer leur nouveau projet. L’arm\u00e9e de l’Air am\u00e9ricaine a lanc\u00e9 en juillet un appel d’offres pour le d\u00e9veloppement et la production d’une premi\u00e8re tranche de huit satellites GPS III, pour un montant de 1,8 milliard de dollars. Les g\u00e9ants am\u00e9ricains Lockheed Martin et Boeing sont tous deux dans la course, et attendent une r\u00e9ponse \u00ab\u00a0d\u00e9but 2008\u00a0\u00bb, selon un porte-parole de Lockheed, Steve Tatum. L’US Air Force vient par ailleurs d’attribuer mi-novembre deux contrats de 160 millions de dollars chacun aux groupes Northop Grumman et Raytheon, pour d\u00e9velopper la partie \u00ab\u00a0au sol\u00a0\u00bb du programme de GPS nouvelle g\u00e9n\u00e9ration (stations de contr\u00f4le et antennes). \u00a0<\/div>\n
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Home – Accueil – TUNISNEWS 8\u00a0\u00e8me\u00a0ann\u00e9e, N\u00b0\u00a02745 du 27.11.2007 \u00a0archives : www.tunisnews.net \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 Ridha Boukadi: Lettre ouverte au ministre de la Justice et des Droits de l\u2019Homme Libert\u00e9 et Equit\u00e9: Dans la s\u00e9rie des proc\u00e8s politiques – Lourdes condamnations aujourd\u2019hui Slim Bagga: Lyes Ben Chedli ou la m\u00e9galomanie incarn\u00e9e Terre politique :Tunisie : […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":22040,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"inline_featured_image":false,"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[],"tags":[62,38,29],"class_list":["post-15702","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","tag-62","tag-38","tag-fr"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15702","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15702"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15702\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/22040"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15702"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15702"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/tunisnews.net\/ar\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15702"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}